Is
The Left Going Right?
For
the second time, the Philippine Left is trying its luck in electoral
politics, which it had shunned after a disastrous attempt in 1987. This
time, however, it is more confident of winning, in spite of the problems
with resources and all that. And
it is aided in no small measure by a public that has grown surprisingly
supportive of the Left’s brand of “new politics.”
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articles:
Finally,
A Democratic Congress?
A
Surprisingly Weighty Endorsement From The Left
By
ROWENA CARRANZA
What’s
with the Left?
This
question swirled in the minds of many Filipinos when the country’s
mainstream Left, which had traditionally shunned elections, announced
that it would participate in this year’s elections.
Bayan Muna (People First), a political party formed last year by
Leftist organizations such as the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, Kilusang
Mayo Uno and Kilusang Magbubukid sa Pilipinas, is running in the
party-list election, while some of its leaders, like Nathanael Santiago
in Metro Manila and Alvin Luque in Davao City, are running for local
posts.
Bayan
Muna's brochure lists a 10-point program, foremost among them the arrest
and prosecution of former President Joseph Estrada for his alleged
crimes against the people; a P125 across the board wage increase for all
workers and employees; land for landless peasants; and decent housing
for the homeless poor.
Political
analysts welcomed the Left's participation in elections. But some
couldn’t help but wonder if a segment of the Left had finally decided
to abandon armed struggle and embrace electoral politics.
Second
Attempt
Bayan
Muna is the mainstream Left's second attempt at forming a national
political party. The first was the Partido ng Bayan (PnB), which joined
the 1987 senatorial and local elections. It was the first election
called under the Aquino government and PnB fielded eight senatorial
candidates; they all lost.
The
experience was traumatic for many of their leaders and members. The
party's president, Rolando Olalia, who was also chairman of KMU, was
assassinated by military extremists. There was massive cheating; many
votes for PNB were not counted.
But
Bayan Muna president Satur Ocampo also admitted that, at the time, the
Left failed to unite all its forces.
There were some who wanted to simply use the elections to
ventilate the Left's position on issues, while there were those who
believed that it should get into it in order to win.
"We
think it's about time (the Left joined the elections)," said Ocampo.
And apparently, the objectives are clear to all its forces this time.
A Bayan Muna document states the following objectives in its
participation in the elections: to win three seats in the Lower House
through the party-list elections, explain to the people the basic
problems of the country, and drumbeat Bayan Muna's nationalist
aspirations.
By
joining the elections, the Left is shifting from its previous attitude
of simply criticizing and not fielding or endorsing any candidate.
"Working within the system" to implement changes is apparently
being given added weight as compared to its previous stance of trying to
work mainly, if not only, from the outside.
For
Ocampo and other Bayan Muna officials, entering the election fray is not
abandoning its position critical of the present system. According to
Ocampo, the electoral arena is an extension of the protest movement's
arena of struggle and that it should not be left to the monopoly of
traditional politicians.
Not
A Piece Of Cake
But
this early in the game, Bayan Muna is learning that waging an electoral
campaign is not child's play. Tito
Ragragio, Bayan Muna deputy secretary general, revealed how problems of
resources are preventing the neophyte party from engaging in a more
active campaign.
Its
national headquarters is a modest three-bedroom affair in Teacher's
Village, Quezon City. "We wanted to get an office in an area
visible to the public, say Edsa or any major thoroughfare. But the lease
is exorbitant," said one of its staff. The party in fact still has
to buy (or borrow) a fax machine; it uses the fax machine in other
"friendly" offices for its press releases.
Visitors
stream in and out. Many are
volunteers from different Bayan Muna chapters or its allied
organizations, arranging schedules with party nominees or picking up
campaign materials. The latter are carefully counted and divided,
mindful of its limited number.
Most
of its staff are unpaid volunteers - among them a student from
University of the Philippines, a former Light Rail Transit worker, a
Miriam College teacher, a human-rights activist and a health worker.
Unlike
major political parties, which have several personalities to campaign
for them (not to mention famous wives), Bayan Muna relies on its mass
leaders to campaign. They focus on issues, explaining Bayan Muna's brand
of new politics.
Greenhorn's
Chances
Despite
its limitations, Bayan Muna has several advantages over other party-list
groups. It has a national
network of organizations crucial to waging a nationwide campaign.
Its strength in waging nationally coordinated protest campaigns,
if efficiently transformed, can turn out to be potent in the electoral
campaign. And if its members pour the same intensity and passion they
gave to their campaign to oust former President Estrada, then Bayan Muna
has a fighting chance.
The
Left's decades of relentless campaigns for higher wages, decent housing,
land to till and human rights have given it a scrupulous and unwavering
image. Its active and prominent role in People Power II has made it more
acceptable among the middle class.
In
a nationwide survey of 1,200 voters by Pulse Asia from February 3-5,
2001, Bayan Muna came out with a surprisingly high 76 percent
public-awareness rating.
Another surprise was the response to the question: "Kung sakali pong ang mga sumusunod na grupo ay hayagang sumuporta ng isang kandidato para sa pagka-senador sa eleksyon ng Mayo 2001, malamang po ba na inyong iboboto ang kanilang kandidato, hindi iboboto and kanilang kandidato o walang magiging epekto sa inyong boto ang kanilang pagsuporta sa isang kandidato?" (If the following groups would publicly endorse a candidate for senator in the May 2001 elections, would you vote for their candidate, not vote for their candidate or would their support not have an effect on your vote?)
The
question was posed to test the endorsement effects of seven national
groups on Filipinos nationwide. Bayan Muna came out ahead, being the
only one with a high plurality of 43 percent.
This means that the respondents would vote for any candidate
Bayan Muna endorses.
According
to Pulse Asia's Felipe Miranda, political endorsements traditionally
have failed to affect voters' choices. Surveys made in the past 15 yeas
showed how the majority always said they would not be influenced by
anyone's public endorsement.
This view, said Miranda, might be beginning to change. "Despite of, or because of, its left to left-of-center activist image, Bayan Muna had evoked much public awareness and a strongly sympathetic public assessment of the group has emerged," Miranda wrote in his column in the Philippine Star. (Click here to read the column.)
Bayan
Muna scored higher endorsement effects than other groups such as Akbayan
(31 percent), Makati Business Club (31 percent) and Kompil II (27
percent).
Even
before the report came out, various senatorial and congressional
candidates have already been seeking the endorsement of Bayan Muna.
The group, however, is taking its time choosing who to endorse,
drawing up a list of criteria. On
top of the list is the candidate's position on basic issues.
(Next: The
Candidates Bayan Muna Is Endorsing)
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