Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume 2, Number 31 September 8 - 14, 2002 Quezon City, Philippines |
U.S.
Policy in Asia and the State of Philippine-U.S. Security Relations A
top secret memorandum issued by the Philippines’ defense department in 2000
reveals the shift of the U.S.-Philippine Balikatan exercises to anti-guerrilla
warfare training against MILF rebels. "The arming of the Alliance of
Christian Vigilantes for Muslim-Free Mindanao and the Spiritual Soldiers of God
in Mindanao to whom 20,763 units consisting of M14s and M16s had already
secretly been distributed," the document also read. By
Roland G. Simbulan* Since
Sept. 11, 2001, as part of its international campaign against terrorism, the
United States has made the Philippines its "second front" next to
Afghanistan in its fight against perceived terrorists. With the attack against
the very symbols of imperial capitalism (World Trade Center) and U.S. military
hegemony (Pentagon building- the U.S. Department of Defense), the administration
of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo has given the United States the carte
blanche to go full-scale in its efforts to renew American military presence in
the Philippines and, possibly, even restore its military facilities and bases. Any
restoration of U.S. military presence and facilities in the Philippines would
have regional, if not international, repercussions. In the history of U.S. bases
in the Philippines, these have been actively used as staging areas for military
intervention, strikes and attacks against other Asian countries such as in
Korea, Vietnam and Indonesia. This is evidenced by U.S. official documents that
speak of the regional role of the Philippines in the fulcrum of U.S. security
interests in Asia and as far as the Middle East. The
United States sees the Philippines as a good location to restore its military
forces in Southeast Asia in the light of threats from Islamic fundamentalist
groups especially from Indonesia and Malaysia where the United States finds it
dangerous to deploy its forces. The Philippines is also the gateway of the
Pacific to the Indian Ocean and Persian Gulf and would be therefore ideal for
forward-deployed U.S. forces in the Western Pacific. From
the 1900s to 1991, the Philippines was the Pentagon's military stronghold in its
economic, political and military linchpin in Southeast Asia. U.S. bases in the
Philippines provided important logistical support to America’s wars in Korea
and Vietnam, and later in the Gulf in the war against Iraq. The Philippines also
served as a regional center for the CIA's covert operations against Indonesia
and against the national liberation movements in Indochina. With
the victory of the Filipino people's struggle against the U.S. bases in 1991,
U.S. military presence shifted to Japan, which became the cornerstone of
American power in the Pacific and adjacent areas through the U.S.-Japan Security
Treaty. In Okinawa, U.S. Marine Expeditionary units that now train regularly in
Balikatan exercises in the Philippines, form the core of today's interventionary
forces in the Asia-Pacific, if not the entire world. U.S.
military posture in Asia-Pacific In
our Asia-Pacific region, U.S. military might is actually the largest land and
sea military force overseas of a foreign power. As former U.S. Air Force Pacific
General John Lorber bragged in 1995, "We, the U.S., are a Pacific nation
where command extends from West Coast of the United States to the eastern coast
of Africa and includes both polar extremes. The U.S. has 7 defense treaties
worldwide, and 5 of them are in the Pacific region." Immediately
after the Cold War and with the demise of the Soviet Union and the Eastern
European socialist bloc, there was indeed a quantitative rolling back of U.S.
forces in some parts of the world, especially Europe. It became even more
difficult to justify a cold war budget for the continuance of a cold war defense
structure in a post-Cold War era. But
numbers can be deceptive, because what was reduced in quantity was actually
enhanced in a qualitative sense. Capabilities have been expanded because of
improvements in war-fighting technology, thereby enhancing lethality and
mobility of US forces. The Pentagon's budget has been steadily increasing after
the Cold War despite quantitative reductions of US forces at home and overseas.
Everything
seemed to be "rolling back" EXCEPT in the Asia-Pacific where U.S. kept
the status quo as far as its Cold War fighting infrastructure was concerned. To
some extent, the U.S. Pacific Command forces were even upgraded. In the 1995
East Asia Strategy Report of the U.S. Department of Defense, it was noted:
"This report reaffirms our commitment to maintain a stable forward presence
in the region, at the existing level of about 100,000 troops, for the
foreseeable future...for maintaining forward deployment of U.S. forces and
access and basing rights for U.S. and allied forces...If the American presence
in Asia were removed...our ability to affect the course of events would be
constrained, our markets and interests would be jeopardized." The
exception was in the Philippines, for the historic rejection of the bases treaty
by the Philippine Senate in 1991 signaled an involuntary retreat for U.S. forces
in the Philippines which, in the past, has been regarded as a formidable U.S.
military stronghold and enclave by Pentagon planners. According to the 1997
Report of the Quadrennial Defense Review by the U.S. Department of Defense, U.S.
national defense and security policy implemented by 100,000 U.S. troops deployed
in the region, is intertwined with economic globalization such as "the
protection of the sea lanes of trade", and " ensuring unhampered
access to key markets, energy supplies and strategic resources." Pentagon
literature now treats the operational jurisdiction of the U.S. Pacific Command
as "highways of trade which are vital to U.S. national security."
The
restoration of the Republicans to the U.S. presidency under George W. Bush Jr.
has indicated, even before Sept. 11, efforts to reverse the Cold War trend in
all aspects. Of course, the Sept. 11 attacks have practically given the United
States a justification to its people and its allies to unilaterally expand its
borderless military in an already borderless world economy dominated by the
United States and the G-7 countries. The United States has established bases and
military facilities in several former Soviet republics like Kazakstan and
Uzbekistan. Besides the former Soviet republics around Afghanistan, it has
established a very large military presence in Afghanistan itself, while
consolidating its control over the Pakistani armed forces through more U.S.
military and technical assistance. Likewise, a military presence in Yemen and
other Middle East countries surrounding Iran and Iraq have been reestablished.
All
this shows the reversal of the post-Cold War trend in all aspects. A recent
STRATFOR Report, prepared by former CIA and State Department analysts, talks
about U.S. plans to re-establish "forward bases" in the Philippines as
part of an American strategy against international terrorism. As earlier pointed
out, the United States has, in fact, under the Bush administration, already
reversed the post-Cold War trend of reducing or closing down of overseas U.S.
military bases and facilities. Even
Before Sept. 11, the Rand Corp. in an important policy strategy study titled,
"The United States and Asia - Toward a New US Strategy and Force
Structure" (May 2001), strongly pushed for the restoration of U.S. forces
in the Philippines through "future USAF Expeditionary Deployments."
Note the term "deployments" used. This study was prepared by a team
headed by Zalmay Khalilzad, who was later appointed senior member of the U.S.
National Security Council (NSC) and is now Bush's chief adviser on Afghanistan.
The
state of Philippine-US security relations Since
the 1900s, the Philippines was a colony of the United States. When the first
U.S. Visiting Forces trampled on Philippine soil in 1899, they undermined the
freedom and sovereignty of our newly born Republic, waged a war of conquest and
colonized the country so as to gain a market and military stronghold in Asia.
The bloody U.S. conquest led to the death of more than 600,000 Filipinos, mostly
civilians, or one-sixth of our population then. Historians have called that era
of the Philippine-American War as "America's First Vietnam in Asia."
For
its Asian colony, the United States not only created the Philippine Constabulary
to assist in its pacification campaign against Filipino freedom fighters, but
also established vast military bases all over the islands as staging areas for
military operations for domestic and international missions. Both external
defense and internal suppression of dissidents and Filipino
"insurgents" were handled by the U.S. armed forces until 1946 when
internal defense was turned over to the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Post-independence security agreements like the 1947 Military Bases Agreement
which was terminated in 1991, the Military Assistance Agreement of 1947 (later
amended as the Mutual Defense Assistance Agreement of 1953) and the 1951 Mutual
Defense Treaty allowed the United States to control the external defenses of the
country while leaving to the Philippine Army and Philippine Constabulary the job
of suppressing Filipino revolutionaries. The
above treaties never gave the AFP the chance to take care and handle or build up
its external defense capability as the United States made sure that it would be
totally dependent on Washington. The more than 40 years of U.S. military
supremacy over the AFP through the above treaties from 1947 to the present have
prevented the AFP from establishing its own self-reliant defense system. If the
past is our teacher, our more than 40 years of closest "special
relations" with the United States has only made the Philippine armed forces
the weakest in South East Asia. It has already been proven by past treaties with
the United States that it is more interested in doing business at the expense of
the Philippines rather than aiding the AFP in its bid to modernize. If the
United States was sincere in aiding in the modernization of the AFP, it should
not have prevented the air force or Philippine Navy from acquiring modern crafts
and equipment. Money
could not have been the reason for these major services vital to external
defense not to develop; the United States could have easily provided modern
military equipment through loan with easy terms of payment. This would have
provided the AFP with the capability to enable it to be external
security-oriented and truly modernized. Philippine Air Force and Philippine Navy
vessels and equipment , according to an AFP logistics expert that I interviewed
have an average age of 44 years! Militarization
of Philippine-U.S. relations The
Visiting Forces Agreement of 1991 restored U.S. troop activities in the
Philippines after the rejection of the bases treaty in 1991. Various small and
large-scale military exercises have since then been undertaken to justify the
restoration of U.S. military presence in the Philippines. These exercises are
the following: Carat
- a specific amphibious exercise between the US Pacific Fleet and the Philippine
Navy involving use of frigates, landing ships, helicopters and P-3C Orion
aircraft. Training includes lectures, demonstrations and shipboard tours during
port training and highlighted by amphibious exercises between the two navies. Masurvex
-this deals with RP-US maritime patrol, surface detection, tracking, reporting
and training. It involves the use of maritime surveillance aircraft and P-3C
Orion from the US Navy. Activities for this exercise may include day/night
surveillance, search and rescue exercise, anti-smuggling operations and
maintenance lectures. Palah
- this exercise is conducted between U.S. Navy Seals teams and the Philippine
Navy Special Warfare Group (SWAG) teams to improve individual and team skills as
well as enhance "inter-operability" on a vast range of naval special
warfare and skills common to maritime special operations forces of both
countries. Teak
Piston - an airforce-to-airforce exercise which covers instructions on aircraft
maintenance on areas such as corrosion control, airframe/sheet metal repair and
aerospace ground equipment repair, sea search and rescue, special tactics
training, air crew training and on jet engine instrument test equipment
procedures. Balance
Piston - an infantry exercise dealing with special operations. Handa
Series - a Philippine-US bilateral table war game conceived to enhance higher
level command and staff interaction between the AFP and the US Armed Forces to
strengthen military-to-military cooperation and enhance links between the game
and future exercises. Flash
Piston - this is a navy-to-navy exercise similar to the Palah exercise using a
16-man US Navy Seal team and a Philippine Navy SWAG team. Exercise includes
training in the areas of underwater demolition, weapons familiarization, sniper
training, direct actions and a field training exercise (FTX) to cap the
training. EODX
- specialized inter-operability training between the demolition and ordnance
experts of the two armed forces. Exercise includes lectures and drills on
day/night LIMPET and Improvised Explosive Devise (IED), underwater ordnance,
demolition training and VIP protection. Salvex
- this is a navy exercise designed to improve Philippine and US skills in ship
salvage operations, usually requiring actual operations on sunken ships. The
current large-scale Balikatan exercises in the Philippines were started in 1991
as a navy-to-navy exercise sponsored by the US CINCPAC (US Pacific Command).
The
Visiting Forces Agreement (1999) may have succeeded in reversing what the Senate
did in 1991. Philippine courts cannot, under the VFA even assume jurisdiction
over U.S. soldiers and try them for such crimes as rape, murder, or homicide,
committed against Filipinos right here in our own country. Under Art. 5 of the
VFA, any offense committed by US soldiers or personnel, no matter how grave or
heinous, may be considered "official acts" provided the US commander
issues a "military duty" certificate. This
was how the United States gave immunity to thousands of accused American
soldiers from 1947 until Sept. 16, 1991 for their criminal acts on Philippine
soil. Although Balikatan military exercises have been going on since 1991, these
were temporarily stopped after the Senate rejected the proposed bases treaty.
The proposed Military Bases Agreement which was rejected in 1991, covered
transient U.S. forces undergoing training. This was, however, resumed after the
ratification of the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement. A
shift in the orientation and implementation of Balikatan exercises, however, has
occurred after Sept. 11, 2002. Balikatan in early 2002 was intentionally
conducted in the Basilan and Zamboanga war zones, this time with live targets in
actual military operations, during what National Security Adviser Roilo Golez
calls "on-the-job training." This
shift in Balikatan only refers to the open and publicly acknowledged role of the
war exercise in current AFP counter-insurgency campaigns. In a TOP SECRET
Memorandum to former President Joseph Estrada dated May 9, 2000, of the TASK
FORCE BLACK CRESCENT which analyzed the TOP SECRET OPLAN MINDANAO II/BLACK RAIN
operations against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), the TF Black
Crescent headed by former Secretary of National Defense Fortunato Abat referred
to the "Conduct of military advance training on anti-guerrilla warfare
under the guise of 'Balikatan 2000' RP-US military training exercises, in
consonance with the ratified Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) (p.5); "The
arming of the Alliance of Christian Vigilantes for Muslim-Free Mindanao and the
Spiritual Soldiers of God in Mindanao to whom 20,763 units consisting of M14s
and M16s had already secretly been distributed."(p.8). This
TOP SECRET document WHICH I HAVE DECLASSIFIED for us all, clearly shows the
wanton use of vigilantism against so-called terrorism in Mindanao, now
reinforced by the rewards system for bounty hunters. Perils
of American intervention The
U.S. experience in Vietnam should be an eye-opener for those wishing to invite
more US military advisors and trainors from the US Special Operations Forces.
When the first 400 Green Beret special advisors to South Vietnam were sent in
1961 ostensibly to train the South Vietnamese army in methods of
counter-insurgency against the guerrillas of the National Liberation Front of
South Vietnam, the United States immediately clarified then that its soldiers
were not in Vietnam to engage in combat, according to Stephen Ambrose, in his
book, Rise to Globalism: American Foreign Policy Since 1938. With
the increased success of the National Liberation Front guerrillas, however, the
U.S. eventually began to run covert operations directly to harass the Vietnamese
people's army. In 1964, after an alleged torpedo attack by North Vietnam of the
American destroyers USS Maddox and USS Turner Joy in the Gulf of Tonkin, the
Johnson administration decided to retaliate by conducting bombing raids in North
Vietnam and blockading the Gulf of Tonkin. The
Vietnam War eventually resulted in the deployment of no less than half a million
US combat troops by 1967-70, the death of two million Vietnamese and injuries to
three million civilians. Twelve million Vietnamese became refugees and thousands
of children were orphaned. Millions of acres of Vietnam's forests and farmlands
were defoliated by Agent Orange herbicide, sprayed from planes whose pilots were
eventually contaminated themselves. Millions of mines and unexploded bombs and
artillery shells are still scattered in the Vietnamese countryside, posing
constant danger to life and limb. Operation
Phoenix laboratory Is
the Philippines now becoming a laboratory for a new type of militarization to be
initiated by a borderless U.S. military? Recent events in Southern Luzon,
especially in the island of Mindoro, could show that an Operation Phoenix-type
of operation may be taking place. Within one year, 20 local coordinators of the
Bayan Muna political party, including its provincial coordinator, were
assassinated. The U.S.-trained and armed Philippine military has intensified its
counter-insurgency campaign against New People's Army guerrillas and against the
political infrastructure of the National Democratic Front (NDF). This
is reminiscent of the most secret and deadliest U.S. covert operation in Vietnam
where the U.S. launched a massive assassination campaign against what it
believed was the political infrastructure of the National Liberation Front of
South Vietnam as well as local leaders and local officials known to sympathize
with the Vietnamese resistance. Between 25,000 and 30,000 civilians in South
Vietnam, mostly non-combatants, were later acknowledged by the CIA to have been
liquidated in the US-directed Operation Phoenix which had the objective to
"disrupt and destroy enemy assets." US
Special Operations Forces As
stated earlier, next to Afghanistan, the Philippines has become the second front
in the war against international terrorism, including the deployment of the
elite U.S. Special Operations Forces which is a composite force and command by
itself. The SOF of the U.S. armed forces consists of the Green Beret, Rangers,
Special Operations Aviation, SEALS, Delta Force, etc. They are elite in the
sense that there are only 47,000 members of such forces worldwide, including in
the U.S. mainland. They are part of the Central Command (formerly the Rapid
Deployment Force) with headquarters in Tampa, Florida, and are directly
supervised by the US Assistant Secretary of Defense for Special Operations and
Low-Intensity Conflict (SO/LIC). Under
Section 167 of Title 10 of the US Code which created the Special Operations
Command, SOF operations are described as "direct action" (small-scale
strikes), unconventional or irregular warfare, civil affairs and psychological
operations (psy-ops to influence public opinion), foreign internal defense
(arming and training paramilitary forces), and counter-terrorism training. SOFs,
together with CIA special hit teams, have also been known to specialize in
political assassinations. The
deployment of SOFs in the Philippines shows that in recent Pentagon strategy,
the Philippines serves not only as the second front in the war against
international terrorism, it also serves as a springboard for renewed U.S. drive
for geopolitical hegemony in Southeast Asia, against Philippine home-grown
guerrillas (NPA, MNLF, MILF) and other Asian people's mass movements. MLSA The
Mutual Logistics and Support Agreement (MLSA) is the Pentagon's logical
follow-up to the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA). The MLSA is not just
about logistics and other military hardware that the US wants to stockpile in
the Philippines for use by American forces. It is also about the setting up of
facilities, structures and infrastructure to "house" U.S. war materiel
in the Philippines. For the Philippine government, this is a necessary document
to enable it to comply with the constitutional provision requiring an agreement
to allow foreign military "facilities." The
VFA had already given the go-signal for the entry of "foreign military
troops" under the guise of joint military exercises. All these point to the
full restoration of US military presence in the Philippines, but this time using
the entire country as one big military base! Under the former Philippine-US
Military Bases Agreement (MBA), U.S. troops and facilities could only be
stationed or installed inside the bases which were limited in scope and area,
all in Luzon island. Now
the VFA and the proposed MLSA would cover the ENTIRE Philippines, including
southern Mindanao, noted for its close proximity to Indonesia and Malaysia.
While it is true that the MLSA does not specifically designate certain basing
areas for use by U.S. forces, it offers, like the VFA, the entire Philippines,
all its islands, air space and territorial land and water to the U.S. Armed
Forces for use in the same functions as bases, namely: training, refueling,
replenishment, resupply and possibly even the repair of US naval vessels. But
more important is the use of the Philippines once again as a staging area for
U.S. interventionist actions in Asia and other parts of the world, as
springboard for unilateral actions of a superpower that is behaving like a mad
dog after Sept. 11. All our ports and airfields nationwide in all the islands
can now be used by the U.S. armed forces. And if the Philippines and the U.S.
have stretched the interpretation of the 1999 VFA to include all kinds of
military activities on Philippine territory, including actual counter-insurgency
missions for U.S. forces, you can imagine what they would do with a document
like the MLSA in place. Dilemmas
in Philippine national interest In
the U.S. preparations to strike at Iraq, the Philippines is faced with a serious
dilemma. It has diplomatic ties with Iraq as well as with the two other nations
demonized by Bush's reference to the "axis of evil" which also include
Iran and North Korea. If the Philippines allows the active use of Philippine
territory by U.S. military forces against these countries, can we ask them not
to take this against us or the Filipino contract workers on their soil? On
the local scene, the Philippine government is also faced with the prospect of
completely scuttling the ongoing peace talks with the National Democratic Front
after the US included this organization, as well as the Communist Party of the
Philippines and the New People's Army in its "Foreign Terrorist List."
Closing
ranks against the borderless U.S. military The
past victories of Asian anti-colonial struggles, including those for
self-determination in Vietnam and elsewhere, the democratic movements against
pro-US dictatorships, as in the anti-Marcos dictatorship struggle and the
dismantling of the formidable U.S. bases in 1991 in the Philippines, demonstrate
the desire of the people of Asia to live in freedom, to run their country their
own way, without foreign dictation. At the same time, a strong movement for a
nuclear weapons-free and foreign bases-free world has taken shape in Asia and
the Pacific in recent years. Many countries now advocate nuclear disarmament and
the establishment of nuclear-free zones of peace, as well as demilitarizing and
denuclearizing the seas and oceans of the region, such as the Southeast Asia
Nuclear Weapons-Free Zone Treaty signed on Dec. 15, 1995. The
Southeast Asian Nuclear Weapons Free Zone Treaty signed by members of the
Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) should be given substance. The
treaty has expressed the organization's determination "to protect the
region from environmental pollution and hazards posed by radioactive wastes and
other radioactive materials," and "to take concrete action which will
contribute to the process towards general and complete disarmament of nuclear
weapons." In
the Philippines, even after the dismantling of the U.S. bases in 1991, we
continue to block any attempt to re-establish US military presence through the
proposed MLSA. This is being done by defending and giving substance to the
anti-militarist, pro-peace and anti-nuclear provisions of the 1987 Philippine
Constitution. We are also seeking the abrogation of the Cold War relics - the
1951 Mutual Defense Treaty and the 1947 Military Assistance Agreement, as well
as the 1999 Visiting Forces Agreement. Our experience in people's struggles
against foreign aggressors and dictatorships shows us that only by closing ranks
and forging a broad united front can we defeat our militarist adversaries both
in the Philippines and Asia. Bulatlat.com * Professor III in Development Studies and Social Sciences, University of the Philippines and National Chairperson, Nuclear Free-Philippines Coalition(NFPC) www.Yonip.com (Philippine PEACE WEBSITE). This article was read by the author as a briefing paper during a round-table discussion with the press on “One Year After 9/11,” Sept. 2 in Quezon City organized by the People’s Media Center. We want to know what you think of this article.
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