Looking Back at the Storm

Two years ago, the Filipinos made history by ousting for the second time a president deemed unworthy to serve. It is necessary at this point to analyze the events leading to the historic event at the EDSA Shrine, if only to warn the powers-that-be of what awaits them if the current situation persists.

By ALEXANDER MARTIN REMOLLINO 
Bulatlat.com

"You have 10 'Yes' votes and 11 'No' votes. The 'No' votes have it."

Two years, ago, the historic voting of whether or not to open the controversial second envelop led to a four-day people’s uprising that eventually ousted then President Joseph Estrada.

The impeached President was on trial after having been accused of bribery, graft and corrupt practices, betrayal of public trust, and culpable violation of the Constitution. Conviction of any of these offenses would have meant removal from public office.

On the night of 16 January 2001, senators debated on the opening of a second envelope from the Equitable-PCI Bank allegedly containing evidence that Estrada deposited ill-gotten money using a fictitious name “Jose Velarde.” It was eventually agreed upon that the issue would be resolved through a vote. Ten senators voted for the opening of the envelope; 11 voted against it.

Emotions ran high. Some of the senators who voted 'Yes' shed tears. The prosecution panel staged a mass walkout. With them, the spectators wept and also walked out, hurling invectives at those who voted 'No'.

People made noise in the streets, and in a matter of hours they converged at the shrine at Epifanio de los Santos Avenue (Edsa), the same street that in 1986 was the venue for another people’s uprising that ousted then President Ferdinand Marcos.

For the next four days they would keep vigil at the Edsa shrine, and then tens of thousands of them would march to Mendiola to deliver the people's verdict to the gates of Malacañang. By January 20, a teary-eyed Estrada was on a ferry bound for San Juan, waving goodbye to his former employees at the Palace.

Analyzing the events since his assumption to the presidency in 1998, one is inclined to think that Estrada had it coming, so to speak. He slowly alienated himself from the people even if he repeatedly declared that he was for the masses.

Fascistic bent

His declaration a few weeks after winning in the 1998 presidential elections that he would have the remains of the late dictator Ferdinand Marcos buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani was indicative of a fascistic bent.

This would later show more unabashedly through the suspension of the Joint Agreement on Safety and Immunity Guarantees (JASIG) between the government and the revolutionary National Democratic Front (NDF), the inclusion of leaders and members of legal people's organizations in the military's order of battle, the all-out war against the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), another revolutionary organization, and the suppression of the freedom of the press, as shown in the experiences of Manila Times and the Philippine Daily Inquirer.

As a result, Estrada earned the ire of human rights organizations and civil libertarians.

Subservience

His subservience to the interests of the United States (US) was evident even in his early days as President.

The generous praises he received from then US President Bill Clinton for views on economic policies was a clear sign of the continued adherence to globalization.

Another sign was the approval of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA) in 1999. The VFA is an agreement that grants extraterritorial and extrajudicial rights to US servicemen who would visit the Philippines for "military exercises." He did not even attempt to veto the bill after it was presented to him by the Senate.

His subservience to US interests elicited anger among nationalists.

Anti-masses

In his inaugural speech, Estrada declared, "The day of the Filipino masses has come." It was a statement he would repeatedly make, and one he would even fall back on whenever an issue was raised against the policies of his administration.

But his response to vital issues confronting the basic sectors of society would show that this was just empty rhetoric. He refused to grant substantial wage increases which the labor sector  repeatedly demanded. There was no measure undertaken to resolve the agrarian and housing problems under his administration.

Corruption

Though he won by a landslide in the 1998 election, Estrada was still hounded by his association with shady characters. That he never attempted to cleanse his name of this association added more to people's suspicion.

The use of his office to dispense favors to his relatives and friends, and his own use of public funds for self-aggrandizement, showed that corruption was not going to be eradicated for so long as he was President.

Anti-feminist

Even before he ventured into politics, Estrada was already well-known for womanizing. He had multiple affairs even after he had married Dr. Luisa Pimentel, and in fact it was another woman, Guia Gomez, who was recognized as San Juan's First Lady while he served as its Mayor.

This, combined with the flaunting of his libertine ways and his incessant public insults to his own wife, showed a blatant disrespect for women that brought the anger of women's groups upon him.

Build-up and aftermath

The confluence of all these issues against Estrada did not take long to build up a wave of public protest against his administration.

It was in 1999 that the call to oust Estrada was first made. According to Bayan Secretary-General Teddy Casiño, it was the women's group Gabriela that first called for the ouster of Estrada. The ecumenical group Promotion of Church People's Response (PCPR) followed suit. Not long after, organizations of workers, peasants, the urban poor, fisherfolk, indigenous communities, youth and students, cultural workers, and professionals were soon making the same call.

Those protesting against the Estrada administration would soon be joined by other groups and personalities not normally known for voicing oppositionist sentiments. A number of government officials would almost simultaneously give up their posts and join the broad united front against the Estrada administration. Legislators allied to Estrada would defect to the opposition.

The impeachment case against Estrada was filed as a result of joint efforts of various cause-oriented groups and other formations that became its allies against the Estrada administration.

The events of 16 January 2001 revealed brazen attempts at obstructing justice. It showed the futility of seeking justice through the impeachment trial.

The historic People Power II uprising was fundamentally an uprising that had its roots in anti-fascist, anti-imperialist, pro-people, anti-corruption, and feminist campaigns.

Though its immediate catalyst was the travesty of justice that had transpired at the impeachment court one cold night in the middle of January 2001, it sprang from long-running people's struggles.

It was an uprising against a government that never served the interests of the people, particularly the poor.

Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo--and all other Presidents who would come after her--can therefore only be worthy of what People Power II stands for by being of genuine service to the people. The lessons of history therefore should serve as a warning to the powers-that-be. Bulatlat.com

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