Analysis
Is
the U.S. Victorious in Iraq?
Domestically,
the U.S.’ war on Iraq has been “too small a war” to stimulate the flagging
giant U.S. economy by any significant degree.
In fact, the underlying crisis of overproduction that has been gradually
worsening since the 1970s and impelled the globalization and militarist
offensive of U.S. imperialism, continues to be felt in the U.S. as well as in
the other centers of monopoly capital.
Only the monopoly bourgeoisie in the military-industrial-complex (MIC)
has benefited from the ongoing war, although the oil super-monopolies are sure
to follow.
By
Paul Quintos
Written
for the Center for Anti-Imperialist Studies
Posted by Bulatlat.com
The
U.S.’s relatively quick military victory in Baghdad has actually confirmed its
villainous role as imperial invader in Iraq.
With its military and even civilian infrastructure devastated by the 1991
Gulf war and a decade of ruthless economic sanctions, Iraq proved to be no
threat to the U.S. or anyone outside its borders.
Faced with a blitzkrieg that unleashed bombs and munitions that in terms
of tonnage approximated the A-bombing of Hiroshima, Saddam’s desperate defense
of his regime did not include the use of so-called weapons of mass destruction (WMD).
Nor have American or “coalition” forces discovered WMD or WMD
facilities in occupied Iraq.
Indeed,
the U.S.’ propaganda machine which includes the corporate media conglomerates
that echo the military’s spin on events conveniently dropped all mention of
Iraq’s disarmament as the objective of the U.S. invasion. As the imperial
forces bombed and maimed their way northward to Baghdad from the Kuwaiti border,
“liberation” became the war party’s theme -- a truly Orwellian and surreal
perversion of language and information.
The death of thousands of Iraqi civilians and the devastation of their
ancient land and heritage are barely mentioned or shown during 24 hours of
network coverage of the war, the inconsolable wailing of the dying and the
bereaved are never heard. Only the “terrible beauty” of Baghdad in flames is
shown from the distance, accompanied by the awed and asinine commentary of
“embedded” journalists and pundits in studios across the ocean discussing
the latest in precision-guided weaponry like a Raytheon or Lockheed infomercial.
In
the last few days, stage-managed photo-ops of Iraqis pulling down statues and
defacing images of Saddam have filled the front pages.
But the triumphalist breast-beating of American officials has not yet
embellished these images as one would expect. Instead, one detects cautious
cheer with an undertone of relief rather than jubilation on the part of U.S.
officials and their jingoist counterparts in corporate media.
There
never was any doubt that U.S. armed superiority and aggression would overwhelm
Iraqi’s nearly non-existent military defenses.
But the guarded optimism of America’s warmongers stems from the fact
that despite its quick capture of Baghdad, the U.S. has yet to win the war on
all fronts.
Chorus
of anxiety
Just
a few days ago, there was a rising chorus of anxiety among American pundits
fearing a protracted battle for Baghdad that would have multiplied the number of
American body bags (Iraqi lives don’t count!) and resurrect memories of
Indochina. Indeed, had a people’s army defended Iraq, the U.S. would probably
be caught in another quagmire the likes of Vietnam – where its superiority in
hi-tech weaponry would be constrained by the political cost of killing armed
citizens determined to lay their lives for the defense of their nation against
invasion at the same time exposing American troops to street-fighting and close
quarter combat.
Even
with Baghdad effectively under U.S. hands, however, pockets of resistance and
guerilla attacks by Iraqi and other militant Arab nationalists against U.S.
occupation forces are expected to continue, perhaps for years to come.
More importantly, the legitimacy of its occupation will continue to be
questioned not the least by the “liberated” Iraqi people themselves, along
with peoples’ movements throughout the world if not by numerous governments as
well. The
U.S.’ preventive war is no less criminal simply because it is victorious.
It remains illegal, immoral and unjust, founded on deceit and coercion,
and enforced by heinous use of military superiority over a largely defenseless
population. More so its colonial occupation.
The
Arab League, which has unanimously called for the immediate withdrawal of
“coalition” troops from Iraq, would probably continue demanding U.S.-UK
withdrawal from Iraq and the Middle East especially since the U.S. has indicated
that it wants “regime change” throughout the region which it has painted as
a hotbed of terrorists living under “totalitarian and fundamentalist
states.”
Inter-imperialist
rivalry has turned to the division of spoils with even the UK complaining about
being edged out of lucrative post-war reconstruction contracts and possibly in
the exploitation of Iraqi oil.
So far, politically-connected U.S. monopoly firms like Kellog, Brown and
Root (a subsidiary of U.S. Vice President Richard Cheney’s Halliburton) are
cornering lucrative non-bidded construction and service contracts.
Too
small to stimulate
Domestically,
the U.S.’ war on Iraq has been “too small a war” to stimulate the flagging
giant U.S. economy by any significant degree.
In fact, the underlying crisis of overproduction that has been gradually
worsening since the 1970s and impelled the globalization and militarist
offensive of U.S. imperialism, continues to be felt in the U.S. as well as in
the other centers of monopoly capital.
Only the monopoly bourgeoisie in the military-industrial-complex (MIC)
has benefited from the ongoing war, although the oil super-monopolies are sure
to follow. After
all, this war has been primarily about seizing control over the second largest
oil reserves in the world worth $2.75 trillion at $25 per barrel of crude that
costs less than $5 to extract.
On
the other hand, unemployment in the U.S. remains worrisome, the debt-burden of
U.S. households grows heavier by the day thus constraining consumer spending
that has kept the U.S. economy afloat since the stock market bubble burst in
2000. Even
with “military success” in Baghdad assured, the U.S. economy’s fundamental
weaknesses remain. Overcapacity and runaway current account deficits can
undermine confidence in U.S. equities and securities.
Capital flight or even a significant reduction in capital inflows from
abroad and a run on the dollar (say, in favor of the euro) may yet lead to the
collapse of the U.S. financial house of cards triggering a global recession
deeper than the 1930s.
The
U.S.’ war of aggression in Iraq has inadvertently fashioned a new world order
much more hostile to U.S.’ hegemonic ambitions than ever before. In its brazen
drive to secure new colonial possessions in the oil-rich regions of Central and
West Asia, the U.S. has stoked greater resistance from workers and progressive
forces in the industrialized countries, oppressed peoples in the third world,
independent governments and imperialist rivals alike.
The
U.S. has clearly demonstrated to the world that imperialist rule is not bounded
by international law or international opinion.
By so doing, it has severely undermined the credibility of multilateral
institutions -- principally the UN -- that serve as fig leaves for imperialist
manipulation of international relations.
NATO is weakened and the traditional transatlantic alliance is frayed.
U.S.
isolation has reached the point where the major imperialist powers (except for
the doggish UK) actively opposed its machinations at the UN and in the court of
world opinion. This war has pushed Russia, France, Germany and China closer
together, in restrained opposition to U.S. interests in Iraq.
This is a significant development since no single country comes close to
posing a credible challenge to the U.S. whereas an imperialist alignment against
the sole superpower has the potential of ripening into inter-imperialist war.
Spoils
of war
Nevertheless,
the self-interested opposition of these major powers to the U.S.-led invasion
has now given way to “congratulations” trailed by demands for a share of the
spoils of war, namely, a stake in post-war administration, reconstruction and
oil exploitation.
Their concern now is to jockey for positions in an Interim Administration
whose task is to award lucrative contracts, financed by the proceeds from Iraqi
oil, for the rebuilding of the devastated country and the privatization of its
oil industry
On
the other hand, the global anti-war pro-justice movement has surpassed the
Vietnam War era protest movement in size, breadth, coordination and the speed by
which it has coalesced.
Over 12 million people took to the streets last February 15 in six
continents to protest U.S. aggression in Iraq.
The war on Iraq has politicized and educated a new generation of
activists about the parasitic and brutish nature of imperialism and has spurred
international anti-imperialist movements throughout the globe.
Arab
nationalism is resurgent, spurred by fierce anti-U.S. sentiment.
The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) has found its voice again, denouncing the
U.S.-led invasion of Iraq.
Syria, Iran, Libya, North Korea and China are bracing themselves as
possible next targets in the U.S. drive for global hegemony masquerading as war
on terrorism and rogue states.
The
relative ease of the U.S. military victory in Iraq coupled with its unresolved
crisis in the domestic front will no doubt embolden the Bush administration to
launch further acts of aggression and plunder around the world.
But this would also heighten people’s resistance to U.S. imperialism
and inspire progressive and revolutionary forces throughout the world to advance
the struggle against imperialist aggression and exploitation. Bulatlat.com
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