BOOK REVIEW
IBON and Chossudovsky’s Globalization of
Poverty
Michel Chossudovsky applies a political prescription to his critical research, which is what research should be. Socio-economic investigations inevitably demand answers. The answers are now provided by anti-globalization and anti-imperialist movement of
peoples who are increasingly armed with the truths and lessons drawn from
critical researches and from their own social investigations and
historical struggles.
By Bobby Tuazon
Bulatlat
Chossudovsky,
the author |
The Philippines’ fiscal crisis is
just the proverbial tip of the iceberg, and beneath it is a chronic
financial crisis that has buffeted the country since the 1950s. It is the
result of an economy that has long been subjected to impositions by the
Bretton Woods institutions (the International Monetary Fund, World Bank
and now, the World Trade Organization) - impositions that entrench a
semi-feudal and neo-colonial framework. |
The other side of the crisis is
that the state’s economic policies have been engineered by policy makers
whose own interests – trading, banking, real estate and others – profit
from the same conditions that are imposed on the country by the global
institutions. They subscribe to the neo-liberal theories of privatization,
trade liberalization, deregulation and other bitter economic prescriptions
that impoverish and oppress the people no end.
Forced to explain, government
functionaries reduce the country’s chronic financial and economic crisis
into publicly-palatable micro problems such as budget deficit, corruption
or poor tax collection. This is because either they want to divert public
scrutiny from the stink created by their own garbage policies or their
myopic neo-liberal perspectives prevent them from delving into the roots
and complexities of the crisis.
The Philippine press -
monopolized as it is by the same interests and being, by and large,
beholden to the powers-that-be in government - echo the same lies and
fallacies. Erroneously, it is fixated to the notion that economic issues
are concerns that only government experts, corporate executives and the
academic elite from the University of the Philippines, Wharton, Asian
Institute of Management and other business schools are qualified to
discuss for the public’s enlightenment.
They forget the fact that there
are some institutions, progressive academics, research groups, alternative
media, public advocates and mass leaders from grassroots organizations who
are not only capable of debating the issues but also in ferreting out the
truth from the lies and prevarications peddled by the same neo-liberal and
bourgeois thinkers who, in the first place, brought this country
of ours into what it is today. Unlike the paid hacks and spin doctors of Malacañang, truth is on their side because their own socio-economic and
political investigations are done in the spirit of public service and
volunteerism and not because they have some private interests to protect.
IBON Foundation
IBON Foundation is one research
and think tank organization that has consistently earned the ire of
government and shaken the intellectual claims of mainstream economists.
Now in its 26th year, IBON has been the steward of critical
research in the country, conducting investigations into economic, social,
political and even military issues least explored by other well-funded
research agencies. Its reports, surveys and publications essentially take
the people’s perspective and proceed from the vision that research should
be critical and analytical and should be geared toward social and
political transformation. This, I think, is one major reason why
Malacañang and the corporate elite, for lack of sound arguments or out of
fear, often dismiss IBON as “leftist.”
When the story about the fiscal
crisis came out more than a month ago, cause-oriented groups, progressive
NGOs, reporters and even many academics and students naturally gravitated
toward IBON as a source of information and analysis. As it is wont to do
whenever some pressing issues develop, IBON came out with a primer on the
fiscal crisis and other publications and became part of a series of forums
tackling the financial crisis. Very timely, IBON has published or
co-published several books about globalization, world poverty, the U.S.
war of aggression in Iraq and Jose Maria Sison: At Home in the World –
Portrait of a Revolutionary, co-authored by Ninotchka Rosca and Prof.
Sison.
One of the books most sought
after at IBON is Michel Chossudovsky’s The Globalization of Poverty and
the New World Order, whose second edition was originally published in
2003 by Global Outlook in Ontario, Canada. Chossudovsky is a professor of
economics at the University of Ottawa and director of the Center for
Research on Globalization (CRG), which hosts the critically-acclaimed
website
www.globalresearch.ca. His writings have been translated into more
than 20 languages. He is also one of the leading intellectuals of the
anti-war movement.
Chossudovsky’s 367-page
Globalization of Poverty describes the nuances of a New World Order
which sustains itself on human poverty, social injustice, wars of
aggression that it instigates and undermines the rights of women and
children. Specifically relevant to the Philippines’ financial crisis is
Chapter 3 on “Policing Countries through Loan ‘Conditionalities.’” Here,
the author outlines how indebted countries such as the Philippines have
enlarged their debt by being forced to adopt the IMF’s policy
prescriptions under the structural adjustment program (SAP) for obtaining
new loans from multilateral institutions belonging to the Paris and London
Clubs. The package of structural reforms under SAP, dubbed as “economic
stabilization program,” includes trade liberalization, deregulation of the
banking system and other industries including oil, the privatization of
state enterprises, tax reform, the privatization of agricultural land,
wage freeze, “poverty alleviation” and “good governance.”
As a result, the IMF’s reform
program diverted resources away from the local economy and allowed the
dumping of large quantities of imports from the rich countries
exacerbating trade imbalances. How the “stabilization measures” contribute
to enlarging the external debt is explained by Chossudovsky: among others,
the new policy loans are used to pay back old debt thus increasing the
debt stock; and trade liberalization forces the new loans to be used for
importing goods from the First World-dominated world market as domestic
production is replaced by imports. Ironically, the IMF-WB motto is
“short-term pain for long-term gain.” Poor countries have yet to hurdle
agonizingly the hump of long-term pain.
Financial disasters
Chossudovsky illustrates how IMF-WB
policy reform sowed financial disasters in many countries particularly in
Asia and the Middle East, Latin America, Africa, the Balkan states as well
as Russia and former member-countries of the Soviet bloc. For instance, he
cites the case of Vietnam where, he notes, the more than 50 years of
struggle against French and American occupation is being rewritten by
neo-liberalism and free market mechanism. The same economic pills would
explain the famines and civil wars that have gripped many African
countries including Somalia, Rwanda and sub-Saharan Africa as well as the
ethnic strifes in the Balkan states that were fomented by IMF-WB and the
armed intervention of the United States and NATO countries.
In a similar vein, the
Philippines’ chronic financial crisis continues to agitate unrest
particularly in the labor, peasant and urban poor front who comprise the
majority of the population. It fuels the Left-led armed revolution and the
Moro struggle for self-determination. In 1959, a financial crisis ensued
after the U.S. Export-Import Bank and U.S. private banks cut off loans to
the country and by 1961, following the peso devaluation under Diosdado
Macapagal, foreign debts ballooned to $600 million.
Ferdinand Marcos went on a frenzy
of heavy foreign borrowings via IMF-WB that led to a severe financial
crisis in 1983. By the fall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 foreign
debt had risen to $27 billion and local public debt to P144.4 billion. All
Marcos’ predecessors continued to rely on foreign borrowings. But Gloria
Macapagal-Arroyo’s huge foreign borrowings surpassed the combined
borrowings of Ramos and Estrada so that today government’s total
consolidated public debt is P5.9 trillion or 137 percent of the GDP.
The resurgence of social unrest
and the armed revolutionary movement, which began in 1969, has been fueled
by this worsening financial crisis. Crisis begets revolution.
But economic devastation is a
global phenomenon as well and is taking place alongside wars of aggression
mounted by the United States and other monopoly-capitalist countries in
their drive for world hegemony. “War physically destroys what has not been
dismantled through deregulation, privatization and the imposition of ‘free
market’ reforms,” asserts Chossudovsky. “War and globalization go hand in
hand.” This is the reason why, he believes, the struggle against global
capitalism must bring together social movements from all over the world
“in a common pursuit and commitment to the elimination of poverty and a
lasting world peace.”
Chossudovsky applies a political
prescription to his critical research, which is what research should be.
Investigations into the meltdown of financial markets and the destruction
of national economies which makes independent states vulnerable to
multinational domination and military intervention and the aggravation of
global poverty will inevitably demand answers. The answers are now
provided by anti-globalization and anti-imperialist struggles now rising
across all corners of the world by peoples increasingly armed with the
truths and lessons drawn from critical researches and from the people’s
own social investigations and historical experiences. Bulatlat
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© 2004 Bulatlat
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