This story was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. IV, No. 44, December 5-11, 2004 

Corruption in the Military

In the post-Marcos period the military hierarchy was virtually calling the crucial shots in state affairs. It was a milieu where the president was "commander-in-chief" only in name who had to deal with the U.S.-supported AFP hierarchy with utmost caution and prudence.

By Dan Vizmanos
Posted by Bulatlat

Corrosive corruption in the military institution is not a recent phenomenon. Its origin dates back to the Marcos regime. The strongman deliberately corrupted, misused and exploited the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) for 1) despicable self-serving reasons; and 2) to ensure his control and manipulation of the organization for the impending martial law period. 

In this milieu the role of Philippine Military Academy (PMA) graduates became prominent because, although comprising the minority in the Officer Corps, they were the ones who dominated the military organization. Among the predisposing factors that contributed to the errant behavior of PMA graduates were the following: 

• Perversion of the "honor code" where the "mistah" (clan fellowship) mentality nurtured a sense of elitism and self-righteous behavior leading to excesses and abuses in the organization and its dealings with civil society; 
• Adherence to a "code of silence" ("omerta" in Mafia society) that prevented disclosure of errant behavior and inimical acts such as "hazing" and the "produce" traditions; 
• The "produce" tradition where upperclassmen forced plebes to generate the formers' needs and desires (usually food) through whatever means including illicit acquisition, e.g., stealing and pilferage. 
• Propensity to commit human rights violations due to the continuing practice of "hazing" despite its being banned by law and PMA regulations. 

Impulsive and uninhibited young lieutenants, particularly from PMA classes 1970, 1971 and 1972, were the ones fully exploited by Marcos to do the special jobs, within the framework of military supremacy over civil society, during his draconian rule. Among them were Lieutenants Gringo Honasan, Panfilo Lacson, Rodolfo Aguinaldo, Billy Bibit, Victor Batac and Carlos Garcia who later rose to the rank of field grade officers and generals.

Many people ask why military excesses and abuses continued even after the fall of Marcos. The reason is because the corrupt and brutal military institution remained in place in the service of the succeeding Aquino, Ramos, Estrada and Arroyo regimes. The fact that not a single member was charged, prosecuted, convicted and imprisoned for past crimes and atrocities encouraged the unchastened officers to carry on with unlawful  and immoral acts and behavior.

In the post-Marcos period the military hierarchy was virtually calling the crucial shots in state affairs. It was a milieu where the president was "commander-in-chief" only in name who had to deal with the U.S.-supported AFP hierarchy with utmost caution and prudence. This demeanor also applied to Fidel Ramos (the initiator of 25 "push-ups" for coup plotters) notwithstanding his military background. The military was, in effect, given license to act and behave as it pleased and get what it wanted in pursuit of ideological and sectarian self-serving interests.

One may ask why "conversion" and other malignant forms of corruption were never revealed or reported despite full knowledge of the perfidy by almost everybody in the Officer Corps. Simply because the "whistle-blower" would be at the mercy of the top brass conspiracy that had institutionalized the crimes at the highest level of command, not only in GHQ but also in all Major Services and major commands.

U.S. authorities in the U.S. Embassy and JUSMAG (through local assets in the intelligence community) certainly knew about corruption in the military. They kept their peace and tolerated the perfidy as long as it was still manageable and confined to isolated cases at the lower echelons. They became unduly alarmed and concerned when they realized that the "cancer" had already metastasized up to the highest levels of command.

When the U.S. Customs and Immigration authorities discovered the Garcia family's modus operandi, the U.S. government had no choice but to allow matters to unravel. Its main reasons for concern: 

• The adverse and corrosive effect of  institutionalized and malignant corruption at the highest levels of the hierarchy on the still untainted junior officers and rank-and-file who are at the forefront of counterinsurgency and anti-terrorist campaigns. 
• The main task of the AFP as "proxy army" and "asset" in U.S. proxy wars (counterinsurgency & anti-terrorist operations) is the protection and upholding of U.S. economic and strategic interests in the region. Because of metastasized corruption at the highest levels of command, the "asset" was bound to lose its effectiveness, moral high ground and capability to deal with the "insurgency" (read: anti-imperialist and anti-fascist movements) to the detriment of U.S. neocolonial interests. 

Decent and law-abiding Filipinos need not be surprised why corruption in the military has reached such a high degree of malignancy and perfidy. What can one expect from a military hierarchy that rationalizes and justifies its corrupt behavior by pointing upward  to the perfidious examples set by its commander-in-chief? 

Corruption in the military institution is a symptom that merely reflects the more pervasive and unconscionable corruption in an iniquitous and decaying social order. Taking it in tow is a graft-ridden and termite-infested "ship of state" heading toward extremely dangerous political reefs and shoals! Posted By Bulatlat

4 December 2004 
Vizmanos is a retired Navy captain and former AFP Inspector General.

 © 2004 Bulatlat ■  Alipato Publications

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