This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 14, May 15-21, 2005
Stock Distribution
Option: Land Reform without Land
That the plight of farm
workers at Hacienda Luisita in Tarlac has already faded from the mainstream
media limelight does not mean that there is now peace in the area. Last April
22, some 1,500 farm workers agreed to withdraw their shares in Hacienda Luisita,
Inc. (HLI), demand that stock distribution option (SDO) be revoked and opt for
land distribution instead.
By
Abner Bolos What happens when tillers
are given stock certificates instead of land? Is it still land reform in
essence? At Hacienda Luisita in
Tarlac (north of Manila), 15 years of the stock distribution option (SDO) has
found land owners engaged in a raging conflict with tillers, to the point where
lives have been claimed from the ranks of the latter. The bitter labor dispute in
the vast sugar plantation owned by the family of former President Corazon
Cojuangco-Aquino broke out in November 2004 when work for the members of the
5,000-strong United Luisita Workers’ Union (ULWU) was reduced to only one day a
week, their wages and benefits greatly diminished and hundreds were laid off
from work. Promises
in 1989 In 1989, at the start of
SDO implementation, the farm workers were promised that owning shares of stock
in the Hacienda Luisita Inc. (HLI) – the corporation put up by the Cojuangco
family to manage the 6,443-hectare sugar plantation – is better than actual land
distribution. As stock holders, they were supposed to own 33 percent or P196.6
million ($3.6 million, based on an exchange rate of P54.20 per US dollar) of
the total shares of stocks of HLI amounting to P590,554,220 ($10,895,834.32).
The latter is the value of the 4,915 hectares covered by the SDO. The SDO, stipulated in the
Comprehensive Land Reform Law (CARL or Republic Act 6657), was implemented in
the hacienda. The objective of any land reform program is to give land to the
tillers. Through the SDO scheme, however, only the shares of stock are
distributed. In the case of Hacienda Luisita, the farm workers’ share in HLI is
the hacienda land itself, the remaining 66 percent being capital stock and other
non-land assets. As co-owners of HLI, the
SDO is supposed to provide a better life for farm workers through stable jobs,
higher incomes, improved benefits and shares from company profits. What they got
was the opposite. More than 1,000 farm workers have lost their jobs since 1989.
The corporation reduced their workdays to only one day a week and their net pay
to a measly P9.50 ($0.18) a day. For the farm workers, while
the SDO and land ownership were not among the issues that directly led to the
strike, these proved to be major problems that now plague them and the Cojuangco
family. “Revoke
SDO!” Last April 22, when
negotiations to end the strike reached another impasse, some 1,500 farm workers
massed up at the picket line in Gate 1 of the sugar mill and agreed that they
will now withdraw their shares in HLI, demand that SDO be revoked and opt for
land distribution instead. The decision to withdraw
their shares, already a thorny legal and corporate question, was made because
the farm workers felt cheated through the SDO. They then reaffirmed their claim
on the land, their livelihood and their homes. Leaders of a group of
plantation supervisors who, in October 2003, petitioned the government to
investigate SDO and demanded a re-negotiation for a new Memorandum of Agreement,
also came and voiced their support for the revocation of the SDO. The supervisors are in the
same boat as the farm workers. They are also stockholders who believe that the
corporation cheated them of their rights in the SDO and that the stock
certificates in their possession are worthless. The SDO not only worsened
the plight of the farm workers. It also allowed the Cojuangco family to profit
immensely from the land. Some 1,532 hectares which was part of the original
6,443-hectare hacienda land were excluded in the SDO and remained in the hands
of the Tarlac Development Corporation (TADECO), a Cojuangco-owned corporation
which negotiated the 1958 purchase of the hacienda from the original Spanish
owners. Never told of this move, the farm workers were surprised to learn later
that former sugar cane lands were turned into commercial and factory sites.
Only about 4,415 hectares
remain as cultivable out of the 4,915 hectares originally covered by the SDO. In
1995, 500 hectares were sold to corporations also owned by the Cojuangcos. The
family earned billions of pesos from the land supposedly owned by the farm
workers. HLI apparently served as the instrument where the Cojuangco family
imposed its will on the farm workers whom it also calls “co-owners.” Should the land use design
of the Cojuangco family for the hacienda push through, not a single hectare will
be spared. The entire plantation will be transformed into a vast residential,
commercial and industrial site. In the process, the hacienda people’s claim on
the land will vanish. Moral and
legal? The Cojuangco family
maintains that the SDO is “moral and legal,” saying that since 1989, the
hacienda has ceased to be an agrarian issue but a corporate matter. For the farm
workers, the SDO snatched the land away from their hands and must be revoked for
them to be able to reclaim the land. The SDO made life more
difficult not only for the farm workers but also for the 700-strong members of
the Central Azucarera de Tarlac Labor Union (CATLU). Its members operate the
sugar mill. As land use conversion remained unabated, land planted to sugar cane
shrunk and so did the volume of raw sugar that goes to the mill for processing.
Over the years, more than 500 sugar mill workers have lost their jobs as entire
departments were closed and management resorted to “cost-cutting” measures. CATLU members joined the
strike not only because their wages and benefits are low but also because they
did not wish to be scabs to the plantation workers’ strike. The sugar mill and
plantation workers and their families comprise 10 barangays in the hacienda with
a population of about 35,000. All of them are in danger of being displaced or
deprived of work in the land use plan of the Cojungco family. As workers who
labor for the same master, they feel they share the same destiny and must fight
together to defend their rights. Since the Nov. 16, 2004
massacre of seven striking workers, Hacienda Luisita has become known as a place
where the blood of workers flow freely whenever they assert their right to the
land and their livelihood. The striking workers
continue to guard their picket lines surrounding the sugar mill. Since March,
some 300 soldiers from the Northern Luzon Command (NOLCOM) have been deployed in
the barrios of the hacienda. The generals of NOLCOM said that the soldiers were
sent to “protect” the people from the New People’s Army (NPA) and the Communist
Party of Philippines (CPP) which the military blames for “orchestrating” the
strike. The people of the hacienda
however see the soldiers’ presence as the Cojuangco family’s way of putting an
end to the strike and have called for their withdrawal. The land question in
Hacienda Luisita persists and so does the conflict between the people and the
Cojuangco family. Bulatlat © 2004 Bulatlat
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