Analysis
From Political Crisis to a Revolutionary
Situation
Any scenario that would
preserve the present political institutions which have proven to be rotten
and already past their age – or something that will put up a military
junta - will only precipitate a more radical transformation. And the new
political struggle may usher in a revolutionary situation.
By Bobby Tuazon
Bulatlat
The next three weeks
are expected to be crucial in determining whether embattled President
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo will stay in power longer or begin to lose her
grip on the presidency. On July 25, the President will deliver her
traditional state-of-the-nation (SONA) address before Congress amid
mounting calls for her to step down due to election fraud and alleged
jueteng (illegal numbers game) connections during her vice presidency.
Whatever happens, the
fact remains that many Filipinos already foresee a post-Arroyo scenario
and the only thing that is preventing that from happening is who – or what
- will replace her.
As things stand now,
most of the conditions that would make a Macapagal-Arroyo stay untenable
are fast building up. Aside from the public outrage generated by the
recent events, there are signs of fissures within the government itself,
grim economic forecasts, and grumblings in both the church and business
sectors.
Tactical offensives
by the Marxist New People’s Army (NPA) have reportedly stepped up as the
Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) is itself haunted by the emergence
of certain groups disgruntled with their commander-in-chief and what could
be a divisive change in command with the retirement of its current chief
of staff in August.
IMF, U.S.
If push comes to
shove, the President may yet lose valuable support from the International
Monetary Fund (IMF) and the Bush government itself. In past regime
changes, the withdrawal of support by these two powerful institutions
became decisive in the final hours of the Marcos and Estrada presidencies.
Unlike in the case of
the fallen president Joseph E. Estrada however any move to impeach
Macapagal-Arroyo now will be likely derailed given the hegemony of
pro-Arroyo legislators in both the House and the Senate. The ongoing
Senate hearings on the jueteng pay-off involving the President’s
husband and son and the House inquiry into the wiretapping scandal are
only expected to further infuriate the minority opposition bloc as
Macapagal-Arroyo’s minions try to stall and obstruct the investigations.
Thus more and more
Filipinos, who have already made their verdict on Macapagal-Arroyo
following her admission on the wiretapping conversation last week, see the
constitutional process of removing the President futile and are now more
convinced to bringing the issue to the streets. If it is any indication,
the July 1 turnout at the rally in Makati
City – estimated at 20,000
including spontaneous participants – signals the build up in the
oust-Gloria campaign. Most of the groups taking part in the demonstration
are pushing for a transition coalition council or a “caretaker government”
in place of a constitutional succession upon the President’s ouster.
As far as we can see,
however, there are differences that need to be resolved among the council
proponents. One of these is whether the council should be headed by
deposed President Joseph Estrada, the widow of the deceased presidential
candidate Fernando Poe, Jr. – Susan Roces – or somebody else. Some
opposition forces are working for Estrada who is presently detained for
plunder charges to re-assume the presidency or quickly call for a new
presidential election without going through the rudiments of drafting a
new progressive constitution and a pro-people economic blueprint.
Just the same in the
coming days and weeks, the oust-Gloria rallies in Metro Manila will
increase by multitudes and become nationwide even as similar mass protests
are also mounting in Canada, the United States, Hong Kong and other
countries where there are big Filipino communities.
Incensed by E-Vat
The move to oust what
is now widely believed to be an illegitimate president is expected to
swell as more Filipinos are incensed by new increases in the prices of
fuel, transport fare and other basic necessities with the controversial
expanded value added tax (E-Vat) taking effect on July 1 (although it has
been temporarily stopped by the Supreme Court) and the general decline of
income, employment and other burdens. In fact public discontent over
Macapagal-Arroyo - as shown in latest performance surveys where her
ratings were lowest compared to her three predecessors - has accumulated
in the four years of her presidency.
Macapagal-Arroyo’s
rule is itself beginning to crumble with the anticipated resignation of
more officials and close allies of Macapagal-Arroyo from government.
Despite public pronouncements of support for the President, Vice President
Noli de Castro is reportedly in secret talks with some opposition leaders
some of whom, incidentally, are also calling for a snap election. The
cabinet has also become fractious, with at least five members last week
threatening to leave unless the President publicly admitted to the
wiretapping that confirmed allegations of electoral fraud in the May 2004
polls. Of course, Macapagal-Arroyo refused to say she “cheated” and
described the incident as a mere “lapse in judgment.”
This week,
Agriculture Secretary Arthur Yap followed the resignation of Haydee Yorac,
head of the Presidential Commission on Good Government (PCGG), purportedly
to concentrate on a tax evasion charge. Rep. Roilo Golez, Macapagal-Arroyo’s
former national security adviser, also resigned from the ruling coalition,
Kampi, and as chair of the House committee on defense. Golez is known to
be close to the U.S. government and his resignation is seen as a move to
position himself in the new government that would replace the present
regime.
The U.S. embassy in
Manila is also somewhat singing a different tune, from giving full support
to the beleaguered Filipino President to support “for accountability and
the rule of law,” with a veiled endorsement for the current congressional
probes within the bounds of the “constitution and due process.” This is
not to rule out however possible maneuvers to influence the outcome of any
constitutional succession or, as some quarters predict, a tacit support
for a military junta – if that is the only way to deter the increasing
influence of the Left in the current political fray.
Business sector
In late 2000-2001,
the lack of confidence in the presidency on the part of the business
community also helped accelerate the fall of Estrada. But influential
business groups notably the Makati Business Club (MBC) did so only after
the IMF, multilateral credit organizations and risk analysis groups had
cast doubts on the ability of the Estrada regime to put its house in order
and only after the IMF itself threatened to suspend loan pledges.
Last week, the IMF
said it is sending a survey mission to the Philippines this month. The
announcement came as the Philippine peso further dipped and the continuing
loss in investors’ confidence and bleak findings were revealed by a number
of risk analysis agencies including more recently the ACNielsen.
Speaking for the MBC,
Guillermo Luz said that while Macapagal-Arroyo’s admission to the
wiretapping conversation is positive this should not halt the ongoing
congressional hearings including plans about impeachment from continuing.
Luz’s position may have shown an initial rift in the influential business
community. Both the Employers Confederation of the Philippines (ECOP) and
the Philippine Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PCCI) have urged that the
President “should be given more space” and that the wiretapping and
jueteng issues should be put in the backburner.
Church voices
The Church, which was
also partly instrumental in the ouster of Marcos in 1986 and Estrada in
2001, is also lending its oppositionist voice. Four more bishops have
joined Lingayen-Dagupan Archbishop Oscar Cruz in calling for Macapagal-Arroyo
to step down. They were Bishops Julio Xavier Labayen, Antonio Tobias and
Deogracia Yñiguez and Manila Archbishop Gaudencio Rosales.
The Philippine
Independent Church has also officially declared its support for the ouster
move.
With the hearings in
Congress and impeachment plans seen to be derailed, it now rests upon the
parliament of the streets to take its course until the incumbent
illegitimate president is finally ousted. Political allies of the
president, including the influential business community and members of the
economic elite are expected of course not to let this pass by just sitting
down – particularly if the ouster is followed by a transition coalition
council representing the militant Left and anti-Arroyo opposition forces.
Instead, these forces may ask the President for a graceful exit to allow a
constitutional succession – or even a snap election – while opposing by
every means any transition that would disenfranchise them from power.
Whatever the outcome,
any scenario that would preserve the present political institutions which
have proven to be rotten and already past their age – or something that
will put up a military junta - will only precipitate a more radical
transformation. And the new political struggle may usher in a
revolutionary situation. Bulatlat
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