This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 32, September 18-24, 2005
Enrile's Revised Edsa
History
The instinct for nothing else
than survival and self-aggrandizement is in fact what unites the generals of the
military and police with the alleged, current president of the Republic. That
makes for the worst possible alliance of all.
By
the Center for People Empowerment in Governance (Cenpeg) The facts of the matter are
simple enough even for simpletons to remember. Enrile and Ramos were involved in
a coup plot against Marcos. Because of their and their bully boys' ineptness,
Marcos and his cousin General Fabian Ver discovered the plot. Certain to be
arrested, with their retinue of bodyguards headed by one Gregorio Honasan both
withdrew to Camps Aguinaldo and Crame. Called out by Jaime Cardinal Sin,
millions of Filipinos rushed to EDSA to surround the camps into which the former
Marcos henchmen had crawled like cornered rats, thus protecting them from the
tender mercies of their former boss and patron. Two points need to be made
here. The first is that in 1986 the Enrile-Ramos military clique embraced
Aquino because she had massive citizen support, while in 2001, Angelo Reyes and
company changed allegiances the minute they saw the millions massed at EDSA. © 2005 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.
Posted by Bulatlat
Juan Ponce Enrile is at least 80 years old, which is why it is tempting to blame
the uncertainties of memory for his most recent statement on the 1986 People
Power revolt.
Now an administration voice in the Senate, having bolted the opposition a month
or so ago, the former Marcos Defense Minister said recently over national
television that former President Corazon Aquino should disabuse herself of the
thought that she can help oust Gloria Macapagal Arroyo from the Presidency.
It's the military that put Aquino in power in 1986, said Enrile, and the
military too that put Arroyo in Malacañang in 2001. Ergo, it's the military,
not Aquino, not civil society, and not the citizenry, that will resolve the
present crisis, and it just so happens that the military and police—at least the
generals closest to her heart and purse strings—are supporting Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.
The myth of the military as king-maker and pivot of political events is what
Enrile and such like-minded bureaucrats like Angelo Reyes would like to
foster. But it is exactly that, a myth.
Both Enrile's premise and his conclusion are wrong. If he were honest Enrile
would acknowledge it. He was after all with then Constabulary Chief Fidel Ramos
when some two million Filipinos braved Marcos' guns at EDSA during the February
22-25 People Power revolt to save his and Ramos' hides.
Facts of the
matter
The factions of the military loyal to Ramos and Enrile did not protect the
citizens; the citizens protected them, Enrile, and Ramos. It would have taken
Marcos and then Armed Forces Chief of Staff Fabian Ver only one tank and a
fighter plane to bomb Camps Crame and Aguinaldo, as well as Ramos, Enrile and
Honasan into oblivion. What prevented Marcos from ordering such a strike was
the presence of those millions of Filipinos on EDSA. In destroying Ramos and
Enrile and their motley military company, he would have also killed hundreds,
perhaps thousands, of civilians in the process. Internationally that would have
been a public relations disaster, and Marcos, who never lost his fear of either
world opinion or U.S. government disapproval, knew it.
In 1986 Enrile himself knew a good thing when he saw it. Given Corazon Aquino's
massive support among the population, he and Ramos acknowledged her as the
legally elected president of the Philippines. Neither he nor Ramos nor their
military cohorts "made" Aquino President—the people did.
Though he did not enrich them as much as Marcos did, Joseph Estrada too enjoyed
the support of most of the generals of the military and the police— until these
worthies saw the people massed at EDSA, and forthwith withdrew their support
from Estrada. In fact that was their condition for supporting EDSA II in 2001:
that there be at least a million people demanding the ouster of Estrada.
Enrile and those who now imagine that something else other than the people's
rising against Marcos and Estrada in 1986 and 2001 put Aquino and Arroyo in
Malacañang will have the hard facts to contend with. And the hard facts in 1986
as well as in 2001 are too clear for even those who want to muddy them to
obscure. The people in their millions wanted two presidents out of Malacañang
in 1986 and 2001. In 1986 they supported the military mutineers led by Enrile
and Ramos; in 2001 the military shifted its allegiance from Estrada the minute
they saw the millions massed at EDSA.
Two points
The second point is that the Philippine military—and one may throw the police in
with it—is the most unreliable of allies. One can truly rely only on the
principled. But as the entire country has seen in recent years, that is a trait
from which the military leadership has been exempt since the Armed Forces were
established by the United States at the turn of the century to hunt down the
remnants of the Katipunan.
What this means is that Enrile's current patron, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, may
have the declared support of the military and the police. But that support is
as weak as a new-born baby because premised on her remaining firmly in control,
and capable of providing them the worldly goods they covet.
Military and police support is thus certain to melt like a snowball in Hell once
a million Filipinos mass at EDSA or elsewhere in the country, quite simply
because, even more than among the putrid traditional politicians in Congress and
in the provincial capitols and municipal halls all over the country Mrs. Arroyo
counts among her allies, opportunism is the one trait these institutions share
by virtue of tradition, training, habit, and ideology.
The leaders of these institutions have in fact raised lack of principle and
looking out for themselves to the level of a fine art. One has only to recall
the 1986 image of a sweating General Prospero Olivas, then chief of the brutal
Metropolitan Command of the thankfully defunct Philippine Constabulary,
referring to Corazon Aquino as "my President" once he realized that the Marcos
he had served so well for 14 years was losing his grip on power. Or, for that
matter, that of Angelo Reyes in 2001 saluting Estrada one day and then declaring
his withdrawal of support the next.
And let us not forget Enrile and Ramos themselves, who were both beneficiaries
of martial law, but who in 1986 turned against the hand that fed them in a
dispute over the spoils.
The instinct for nothing else than survival and self-aggrandizement is in fact
what unites the generals of the military and police with the alleged, current
president of the Republic. That makes for the worst possible alliance of all,
in which one can easily abandon the other for no other reason than convenience
and gain. If Enrile and company think that military support is that crucial to
Arroyo's survival, they need to study recent history—but they need to study it
without those revisions that they may find comforting because they're so
patently false. CENPEG / Posted by Bulatlat
Sept. 12, 2005