The Cuban
Revolution and Venezuela
By Germán Sánchez
AxisofLogic.com
Editor's Note:
As U.S. citizens most of us have precious little knowledge or
understanding of revolution. Through our educational systems and the
corporate media in the U.S. we have received either no information or
distortions about historical revolutions. It certainly is not in the
interest of the corporate oligarchy to teach it's citizens about the
nature, dynamics and processes of successful revolutions in human history.
They have trained us to think red ... blood in the streets ... lawlessness
... anarchy when we hear the "R" word. They have trained us to fear.
We must teach ourselves and one another about successful revolutions if we
are to take control of our lives and truly govern ourselves. One such
successful revolution occurred only 45 years ago and only 90 miles off our
southeast shores in Cuba. Germán Sánchez offers us a primer in his
comparative analysis of the Cuban Revolution and the Bolivarian Revolution
in Venezuela. The book is Cuba and Venezuela and it will be on the shelves
in English in a few months. The pamphlet below contains a chapter in the
book. We owe it to ourselves, our children and our country to read and
learn more about the true nature of revolution. - Les Blough,
Editor
Aug 28, 2005
[Germán Sánchez has been the Cuban ambassador to Venezuela from 1994
to the present. This is the first part from a new pamphlet from Ocean
Press, published in both English and Spanish-language editions. The
pamphlet contains a chapter from the book Cuba and Venezuela by Germán
Sánchez, which is forthcoming in English from Ocean Press in early 2006.
A Spanish-language edition of the book will published by Ocean Press in
September 2005. Cuba and Venezuela is a comparative historical analysis of
the Cuban Revolution and the process of change and
revolution currently unfolding in Venezuela. Another pamphlet taken from
the same forthcoming book is Barrio Adentro and Other Social Missions in
the Bolivarian Revolution. For further information visit
Ocean Books.
=========
The Cuban Revolution and
Venezuela -- Part 1
By Germán Sánchez
In the heat of the change led by
President Hugo Chávez,
speculation that Venezuela intends to replicate the revolutionary course
Cuba initiated in January 1959 is steadily proliferating. Those who
promote such a distortion are nearly all adversaries of President Chávez, who have an interest in creating confusion, and who themselves are
distorted by hatred. It is only on rare occasions -- including on the part
of the Bolivarian revolution -- that logical and balanced comparisons
between the two nations are made.
This has motivated me to put together
this analysis of the Cuban Revolution in its initial, decisive years. It
is an attempt to contribute to the memories of older Venezuelan readers
and give younger ones a quick view. It is devised for people who would
like to make an unprejudiced historical comparison between our revolution
in Cuba and the process of change currently occurring in Venezuela.
The Cuban revolutionary evolution of the
1960s cannot today be repeated in other countries of the region. This is
as much due to the geopolitical circumstances in which the revolution
occurred and the heady speed of its transformation, as to the far reach of
core measures it adopted in a very short space of time. The Cuban
Revolution's unique complexion is located in those factors.
That does not, however, mean that Cuba's
initial decisions, or the revolution's impact on Cuban society, are
irrelevant in the case of other Latin American or Caribbean nations. On the contrary, given that it has been the most complete
historical rupture to occur in any country in the hemisphere, the Cuban
Revolution represents a paradigm -- a laboratory of indisputable relevance
for the peoples of our region.
This comparison has the objective of
contributing information and reflection; it in no way seeks to replace
anyone's own thinking or their own process of drawing conclusions. More
than 40 years of socialist discourse in our homeland confirms that the
option chosen by Cubans was and is still appropriate.
No revolution in the Americas has
generated so many crucial changes in such a short period of time. In less
than 24 months -- from January 1, 1959, to April 16 and April 19, 1961,
symbolic dates in the insurrectionary triumph (the proclamation of the
socialist nature of the revolution and the first military defeat of US
imperialism in Latin America) -- profound changes took root, initiating a
new stage in the history of Cuba and the entire region.
The revolution was not conducted
according to a precise plan, although the majority of its actions were
contemplated in the Moncada program of 1953 ("History Will Absolve Me").
Given that the United States furiously began to clash with Cuba from the
triumph of the revolution and the initiation of its first measures, nobody
could really foresee how the process would develop. Still, the
revolutionary leadership and Fidel Castro in particular had a strategy and
clear objectives, which facilitated strong, accurate guidance of the Cuban
people and the integration of the revolutionary organizations. Even faced
with that forceful, complex confrontation, the decisions of the Cubans
were not made recklessly. Years later Fidel summed up the effective
formula for the triumph of any revolution in three words: people, weapons,
and unity. In Venezuela, on February 3, 1999, he put it this way:
"Revolution is the daughter of culture
and ideas."
Fierce struggle against the domination
of the island by the United States and its allies
contributed to the acceleration of revolutionary actions. From the early
days of 1959 the United States attempted to crush the revolutionaries and
prevent the development of the process in favor of the people and national
sovereignty. During that year it exerted pressure, issued warnings, and
began to organize and execute plots against the stability of the country,
the economy, and even Fidel himself. In 1960 the great power's plan to
defeat its neighboring government and abort the incipient project of the
new Cuba was unambiguous.
To recall certain facts: in March 1960
the CIA sabotaged a French boat, La Coubre, in Havana Bay, killing more
than 100 people and destroying the Belgian arms in its hold. From 1959,
and more frequently in 1960, aircraft took off from the United States --
occasionally piloted by US citizens -- to attack the sugar industry,
destroy sugarcane plantations, wipe out communities and, additionally, to
supply weapons, munitions, and other provisions to the
counterrevolutionaries. In June 1960 the US president suspended Cuba's
sugar quota and in early 1961, broke off diplomatic relations, banned US
citizens from traveling to a country now considered its enemy, and
initiated an economic blockade. At the same time, it demonstrated its
military might by conducting military exercises in the island's vicinity
involving 40,000 troops, naval ships, and submarines equipped with atomic
weapons. On April 16 it bombed Cuban military airports and on April 17,
mercenary forces trained, equipped, financed, and directed by the CIA,
landed at the Bay of Pigs.
This aggression did not impede the
revolution's impetus. On the contrary, it facilitated, made legitimate,
and accelerated the transformations. Audacity, tactical imagination,
conviction, and a growing radicalization were all part of the meteoric
process changing Cuba forever.
Two stellar moments in that blow-by-blow
confrontation come to mind. When, in June 1960, the United States
threatened to suspend Cuba's preferential sugar quota, Fidel declared:
"They're going to take away the sugar quota pound by pound and we're going
to take the sugar mills off them one by one." In November 1960, when the
United States announced that Fidel would be confined to the island of Manhattan during his visit to
the United Nations, the Cuban government decided to restrict the movements
of the US ambassador in Cuba to the Vedado neighborhood. Che subsequently
summarized this policy with the sharp, brief comment: "One can't take
anything about imperialism seriously, that's all there is to it!"]
The revolution had no alternative: it
could either go to the source of the country's ills, or perish. It had to
undertake serious social change and attain national liberation, or the
United States would crush it and impose a more ominous and dependent
regime than [Batista's in] 1958. Fidel understood the alternatives most
clearly, and on March 15, 1960, affirmed at the funeral of the victims of
La Coubre: "Now freedom means something more altogether: freedom means
homeland. Therefore our dilemma is "Patria o Muerte" (Homeland or Death)."
The anger and conviction of that after-noon gave rise to this emblematic
slogan. On June 7, 1960, Fidel developed the concept: "For each one of us,
the catch-cry is "Patria o Muerte", but for the people, who in the long
term will emerge victorious, the catch-cry is "Venceremos" (We Shall
Overcome)." Faced with the myth of the fatal flaw of the island's
geography, and the power and arrogance of its giant enemy, the Cuban
people and their leaders were not daunted. On the contrary, the
confrontation gave them strength and resolution. When the United States
utilized the Organization of American States (OAS) to support the
blockade, isolation, and aggression against Cuba, our country denounced
the governments that allowed themselves to be subjugated in this way.
Those countries subsequently had to face rebellion and pressure from their
own peoples.
Those 18 months represented an
irreversible historical shift that could never be repeated. Under Fidel's
leadership, the revolutionary directorate took admirable advantage of
this. Taking the initiative time and again, the fighting people let loose
their irrepressible energy, until victory was consolidated. As the
majority of the poor and many from the middle class gradually discovered,
this was the only way they could fulfill their dreams, and no obstacle
could prevent the ongoing deepening of the process.
To recall elements of the
transformation:
In January 1959 the pro-Batista
executive of the CentralOrganization of Cuban Workers (CTC) was dismissed
and a new executive selected. In March, the revolutionary government
nationalized the Cuban Telephone Company -- after lowering call rates --
and the metropolitan bus corporation. Housing rents were reduced by 50
percent and the price of medicines by 30 percent. In May it approved the
Agrarian Reform Act, which abolished the large estates of landowners in
less than 12 months and redistributed the land either among peasants who
had worked it without ownership, or converted it into state-run
agricultural enterprises, thereby initiating an agrarian revolution. In
July the cost of school books was cut by 25 percent and in August
electricity rates went down by 30 percent; while October saw the formation
of the National Revolutionary Militias -- comprised of workers, peasants,
students, employees, and professionals -- who had begun to organize in
March.
In early January 1960 the Ministry for
the Recovery of Embezzled Goods -- founded by the revolution --
confiscated the Fosforero Trust and further reduced the price of 122
medicines. In February, the ministry nationalized an oil consortium (RECA),
which had two refineries, and confiscated properties owned by the infamous
José López
Villaboy, including the Cuban Aviation Company, the Rancho Boyeros Airport
(Havana), and other businesses.
The ministry also nationalized 14 sugar mills and in April announced it
had recovered more than $400 million for the people. On June 29, in
response to the continued economic, subversive, and terrorist aggression
of the United States, it took over Texaco and on July 1, Esso and Shell.
In August all US companies in the oil, sugar, communications, and
electricity sectors were nationalized. In September, battalions of militia
troops were organized under the direction of the Rebel Army to fight and
eradicate armed counterrevolutionary bands in the Escambray mountains of
central Cuba. On September 28, speaking before millions of Cubans in
Revolution Square, Fidel called for the organization of Committees for the
Defense of the Revolution (CDRs) in every neighborhood block, so that as
an organized people Cubans could fight their enemies more effectively. In
October all the domestic and foreign banks, and 382 large enterprises,
including 105 sugar mills, 50 textile factories, and eight railroad
companies were nationalized. The Urban Reform Act was passed, conceding
property rights to all rent-paying tenants, and finally, the remaining US
companies were nationalized.
Other relevant events took place
throughout 1960, such as the amalgamation of revolutionary women's and
youth groups into two parallel organizations: the Federation of Cuban
Women and the Association of Young Rebels. Peasants likewise grouped
themselves into the National Association of Small Farmers and the island's
intellectuals formed the National Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC).
In April 1961 the revolutionary organizations merged into one political
body: the Integrated Revolutionary Organizations (ORI).
This is barely a synthesis of the
principal actions of the revolution, which fundamentally changed the way
of life of the Cuban people.
Many others could be added. For example,
journalists and media professionals took control of the media, placing it
at the political, cultural, recreational, and educational service of the
people. Casa de las Américas
was founded, as was the Cuban Film Institute (ICAIC), and the National
Cultural Council. Within such a dazzling, iconoclastic landscape, these
three cultural institutions represented a formidable structure for writers
and artists. The first stage of the educational revolution was launched
and succeeded in eliminating illiteracy in less than one year -- by 1961
-- while from 1959 onwards thousands of voluntary teachers took the light
of knowledge to remote areas of the island. At the same time Cuba's
beaches were opened up to everyone, private clubs became recreational
centers, and the barracks of Batista's army were transformed into student
facilities.
In summary, during that brief period,
the neocolonial military state was destroyed, and a new popular,
democratic, and nationalist government was installed. The repressive
agencies of the former regime were eliminated and new defense
organizations, based on revolutionary vigilance, were established, with
the essential involvement of ordinary people.
Even in the context of such colossal
change, the period was also characterized by humanism and careful respect
for the integrity of human beings. Due process was respected and followed
with regard to violations of law by enemies of the people.
The revolutionary courts punished
murderers, traitors, and other servants of the dictatorship, and
confiscated all the assets of officials who worked under it; senators,
representatives, mayors, and party and trade union leaders who supported
the dictatorship were deprived of their political rights. Democratic
rights were granted to all the people, criminalizing discrimination
against people of color and women, and in effect creating an economic,
ethical, and political base for undertaking the construction of a new,
free, and more egalitarian society.
Fidel's confidence in the nation's
history and the attributes of his people, and the people's confidence in
their leader, were determining factors in completing the transformation.
In January 1959, the young comandante
initiated his pedagogical crusade in relation to the principles that
should guide all revolutionaries and patriots:
• Fortunately for Cuba, this time the
revolution will really reach its conclusion . No thieves, no traitors, no
interventionists; this time it is a revolution! (January 2, 1959)
• The people of Cuba know how to defend
themselves! (January 9, 1959)
• We are a small but worthy people!
(January 9, 1959)
• If they want friendly relations, they
should not threaten us! (January 9, 1959)
• The revolution is not turning tail in
the face of attack, it is not weakening in the face of attack, but it is
growing! (January 11, 1959)
• We are a people prepared for every
sacrifice! (February 3, 1959)
• The government of Cuba does not want
to be an enemy of the government of the United States, or an enemy of any
government in the world. but we cannot allow politics to be imposed upon
us. Historically we have been victims of the powerful influence of the
United States over our country's des-tiny! (February 19, 1959)
• We can only say to the powerful
oligarchy: you have done what could be expected of you, but we will do
what can be expected of us. Your power does not frighten us, but gives us
courage! (July 6, 1960)
The courage of the overwhelming majority
of Cuban men and women was decisive in confronting the serious
consequences challenging US domination, consequences that included the
sacrifice of lives.
Given the underdevelopment to which Cuba
was condemned, if the revolution had failed, we would have suffered
greater human losses and sacrifice. If anyone should be in any doubt of
that, it is worth casting a glance at certain realities.
In 1958, average life expectancy was 61
and infant mortality was in excess of 60 per 1,000 live births. For many
years now, our people have had an average life expectancy of over 75 and
an infant mortality rate of less than seven per 1,000 live births. How
many hundreds of thousands of Cuban people -- adults and children -- would
have died if the 1958 indexes of health, nutrition, education, etc. had
evolved with a trend similar to the Latin American average?
For a number of years Cuba has possessed
the highest ratio per capita of doctors, teachers, and sports and arts
instructors in the world, and from 1962 its health, education, and sports
programs have been totally free for the entire population. Illiteracy
disappeared in 1961 and today the average education level is 10th grade,
the highest in the region.
Unemployment, which was over 30 percent
in 1958, is now at three percent. More than 85 percent of families own
their own homes and from 1959 to 1989, close to two million homes were
built, more than were built in the 60 years of the neocolonial republic.
In Cuba there are no children or beggars on the streets, or unprotected
elderly or mentally disabled people. Citizens are far safer than in other
Latin American countries, with a very low incidence of social violence.
Cuban people have genuine access to
culture. No one's talent is frustrated by a lack of material conditions or
encouragement. The revolution created and developed a national film
industry that enjoys international prestige, and the fields of visual
arts, dance, theater, and literature have flourished. In 1989, 100 times
more books were published than in 1958.
Sports and physical education are widely
enjoyed. Cuba has the highest number per capita of Olympic gold medals in
the world: one for every one million inhabitants. Despite the difficulties
of the last decade, utrition is superior to the average in the
underdeveloped countries. One out of every 10 Latin American scientists is
Cuban and the island has a highly developed scientific research industry,
which means it can take maximum advantage of its scientific potential. Its
developments and discoveries rate far above other Latin American and
Caribbean nations, including many cutting-edge developments in biotechnology and
genetics.
Further statistics could be mentioned,
but the above are sufficient. I only wish to highlight how the Cuban
Revolution has presented its people with material and spiritual happiness
far greater than the sacrifices we have made. Our people are no longer
sucked dry by neocolonial capitalism, or manipulated and oppressed by
dictatorship -- whether in the Batista years or under the mantle of a
corrupt multiparty democracy. We are a genuinely independent nation -- a
united, organized people with an advanced political understanding and
weapons at our disposal to defend our conquests. And, in free elections
with a secret vote, people elect their state representatives and depose
them if they fail to fulfill their role.
In the early years of their searching
and effort, Cubans never expected that their heroic actions, or the course
of the revolution, would receive external help. The premise of the
revolution was that it would defend itself with the support of the Cuban
people alone. It should be recalled that from 1959, long before the
revolution turned toward socialism, the United States attempted to destroy
it and restore the country to its former neocolonial status. It was acting
to that end before the revolutionary government entered into relations
with the Soviet Union. When Cuba gained allies and began to seek
solidarity, it was guided by José
Martí's principle that "homeland is
humanity." It never, however, accepted threats or impositions of any kind
and the Missile Crisis of October 1962 proved the ultimate willingness of
Cubans to be defeated rather than hand over sovereignty and the right to
self-determination.
Decisions were never conditioned by an
opportunistic measuring of the correlation of world forces. Far less were
they based on the calculation that the
Soviet Union might become the
important ally it subsequently proved to be, and it was undoubtedly
significant for the economic progress and military consolidation of Cuban
socialism. But our revolution did not exist, and far less act, thanks to
the support of that power. When the Soviet Union disappeared in 1991, Cuba
stayed on its feet. Despite the brutal impact the event had on Cuban
people, they continued forward with their ideals, making necessary
adjustments, and confirming that socialism in Cuba is irrevocable. More
than 40 years of creatively constructing benefits for the great majority
have confirmed for Cubans that this social system was the best choice in
those early, defining years.
The Cuban Revolution always advanced on
the basis of the nation's supreme right to be free and independent. The
nature of the political and social system was always decided by democratic
consensus. The legislation of those early years expressed an overwhelming
sovereign force; it was never passed with less than 90 percent of its
citizens' support. Two reasons explain this: within a very short period
the revolution gave people the victories they most desired. It did so
ensuring people were genuine protagonists in those victories and the
direct defenders of them, thus converting themselves into a collective
capable of attaining ever more complex goals.
In "History Will Absolve Me",
Fidel explained the plan of the Moncada assailants in 1953; this was made
real during 1959-61:
"We weren't going to say to the people,
`We're going to give you everything,' but rather, `Here you are, now fight
with all your strength so that independence and happiness is yours'."
Many other events occurred after April
1961 that consolidated the pillars of the socialist transition, or this
shift from a defeated neocolonial regime to a more just, democratic, and
autonomous society. The new human collective, aware of its political and
moral force, its cohesion, and the fact that it was armed, lost its
respect for capitalist private property and its fear of domination. It
transformed these into social property and revolutionary power at the
service of all the people. During the clamor, this made it possible for
the island to stand as a bulwark against US aggression and its siege, the
longest in modern history.
In those years, Che Guevara published an
essay titled, "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial
struggle?" Today, 40 years after his reflections, it is clear that Cuba is
neither an exception nor a temporary hemispheric accident. Cuba's
persistent search for new roads after the collapse of the Soviet Union and
the Eastern European bloc, its unequivocal demonstration that authentic
socialism does exist in José Martí's homeland -- in spite of particular mistakes and enormous difficulties
-- confirms that this historical alternative is a sound and, ultimately,
promising way to overcome underdevelopment and obtain genuine
independence.
BACK TO
TOP ■
PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION ■
COMMENT
© 2005 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications
Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided
its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.