Gov’t Provoked Sulu Fighting for War on ‘Terror’ –
MNLF Leader
The secretary-general
for internal affairs of the Central Committee, Moro National Liberation
Front (MNLF) has categorically stated that government forces provoked the
present fighting in Sulu. This, said Ustadz Moshir Ibrahim, is to get the
support of other countries involved in the U.S.-led “war on terror.”
BY ALEXANDER MARTIN
REMOLLINO
Bulatlat
The
secretary-general for internal affairs of the Central Committee, Moro
National Liberation Front (MNLF) has categorically stated that government
forces provoked the present fighting in Sulu. This, said Ustadz Moshir
Ibrahim, is to get the support of other countries involved in the U.S.-led
“war on terror.”
Fighting
between the Armed Forces of the Philippines and the MNLF broke out on Nov.
12 at around 5 a.m. in Indanan, Sulu. The military has reported more than
20 casualties from its ranks, while the MNLF states one of its members has
been killed and two have been wounded.
AFP chief of
staff Generoso Senga has said in several press interviews and briefings
that the fighting stemmed from military operations against elements of the
bandit Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG) in Sulu.
Implicating
the MNLF
“The
government implicates the MNLF in terrorism in order to get the support of
some countries belonging to the ‘Free World,’” Ibrahim told Bulatlat
in a phone interview over the weekend. “But I can say here, the MNLF
has nothing to do with terrorism, we look at it as a stigma on the face of
humanity – it is anti-freedom, anti-democracy and anti-justice.”
Ibrahim also
denied the military’s claim that they are pursuing ASG elements in Sulu.
“That is not
true, because that area is controlled by the MNLF and that is where the
headquarters or main camp of MNLF state chairman Khaib Ajibon stands,” he
said. He added that the fighting started some 500 meters away from
Ajibon’s official residence.
“This camp
is recognized by the government of the Philippines,” Ibrahim said. “No
military men, no member of the AFP or even the PNP (Philippine National
Police) can go to the area without prior understanding and arrangement
with the MNLF official therein.”
Also, in a
press briefing Nov. 17, Philippine Marines spokesperson Maj. Melquiades
Ordiales said Jatib Usman, also known as Commander Millikan, whom the
military identified as an Abu Sayyaf leader in Tawi-tawi, was killed along
with two of his followers in an encounter with government troops the day
before. “Milikan's killing is a big blow to the Abu Sayyaf in Tawi-Tawi,”
Ordiales said.
Asked for
verification on the identity of Usman, Ibrahim said: “I think they were
wrongly informed by their men in the field. This war is not between the
Abu Sayyaf and the AFP, this is a pure battle between the MNLF forces and
the AFP because if the main target is the Abu Sayyaf, then we can say
there is no single element of Abu Sayyaf residing in the MNLF-controlled
area, especially in the camp of Khaib Ajibon because we will never allow
any member of any terrorist group to stay in our area.”
The ASG is
included in the U.S. Department of State’s list of “foreign terrorist
organizations.
The
Macapagal-Arroyo government is under increasing pressure from the U.S. and
the United Kingdom to pass anti-“terror” legislation. An anti-terrorism
bill has been approved at the committee level at the House of
Representatives, while five bills are presently under deliberation in the
Senate.
Sulu is one
of the provinces included in the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao. The
others are Tawi-tawi, Basilan, and Maguindanao. The ARMM
is a product of the 1996 peace agreement
between the MNLF and the GRP, which sought to end the MNLF’s 27-year armed
struggle for a separate state.
During the presidency of Diosdado Macapagal (1961-1965),
Sabah, which is only some 200 kms from
Mindanao
and to which the
Philippines
has a historic claim, ended up in the hands of the Malaysian government.
During his first presidential term, Ferdinand Marcos conceived a scheme
which involved the recruitment of between 28 and 64 Moro fighters to
occupy Sabah. The recruits were summarily executed by their military
superiors in 1968, in what is now known as the infamous Jabidah Massacre.
According to Moro historian Salah Jubair, this was because they had
refused to follow orders.
The Jabidah Massacre triggered widespread outrage among the Moros and led
to the formation of the MNLF that same year.
The MNLF entered into a series of negotiations with the GRP, beginning in
the 1970s under the Marcos government. In 1996, it signed a “Final Peace
Agreement” with the GRP which created the ARMM as a concession to the
group.
Other reasons
Ibrahim sees other possible reasons for the government attack on the MNLF.
“Whenever
there is a budget hearing in Manila, the military creates scenarios to
justify perhaps their requests for handsome allocations in the national
budget,” he said. “I also believe that they want to divert the muscles of
the tri-media and the devastating eye of the Filipino people from the
beleaguered government of President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo, like what
President Joseph Estrada did at the height of the jueteng scandal.”
Macapagal-Arroyo
has long been facing calls for her ouster because of her government’s
implementation of what cause-oriented groups describe as “anti-national
and anti-people” policies. These calls had intensified earlier this year
following renewed allegations that she cheated in the 2004 election, in
which she is supposed to have received a fresh term after first assuming
office in 2001 following the ouster of then President Joseph Estrada.
Ibrahim also said the government may be intending to “sabotage” MNLF
founding chairman Nur Misuari’s recent appeal for temporary liberty in
order to get medical treatment. Misuari has been imprisoned in Sta. Rosa
Laguna (38 kms. south of
Manila)
for alleged rebellion.
Asked if he thought the present Sulu fighting could have something to do
with the ongoing peace talks between the Government of the Republic of the
Philippines (GRP) and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), in which
the government has been seen as intending to offer the ARMM to the MILF as
a concession, Ibrahim said it is “curious” that the GRP has been talking
of an agreement having been forged but the deal is still hidden. “The
government should inform Congress, the Senate and the Filipino people as
to the agreement they entered into with the MILF,” the MNLF leader said.
“But I think
it is good if the government can meet the legitimate aspirations of the
Bangsa Moro people for self-determination,” he added. “But as far as the
Constitution is concerned, the government cannot do what is beyond the
ambit of the peace agreement.”
When asked
about the present state of MNLF-MILF relations, Ibrahim said they have no
quarrel or trouble with the MILF. “Well, first of all we are brothers in
peace, we share the same colonial experience and oppression, and we also
have the same national political aspiration, which is the recognition of
our fundamental right to chart our own destiny as a nation,” he said.
In the
mid-1970s the Marcos government, weighed down by the costs of the Mindanao
war, negotiated for peace and signed an agreement with the MNLF in
Tripoli, Libya in the mid-1970s. The pact involved the grant of autonomy
to the Mindanao Muslims.
The
government insisted on a plebiscite to settle the territories of the
autonomous government as allegedly provided for by the government,” wrote
Guiamel Alim, a Mindanao civil society leader, in 1995.
The MNLF did
not recognize the results of the plebiscite and the negotiations bogged
down. In the meantime, the Marcos government was able to win over some of
the MNLF leaders “through various forms of attraction,” Alim continued.
The
disastrous aftermath of the Tripoli Agreement led to a split in the ranks
of the MNLF and the formation of the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF)
in 1978. The MILF waged armed struggle for an Islamic state in Mindanao,
and continued to do so even after the signing of the GRP-MNLF peace
agreement in 1996. Bulatlat
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