ANALYSIS
VFA: A
Threat to All Filipinos
The
Philippines
hosts United
States soldiers
allegedly tasked with training their counterparts in the Philippine Armed
Forces. Six of these soldiers are accused of raping a 22-year old
Filipina—an event that has correctly provoked questions on the wisdom of
the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).
By Center for People Empowerment in Governance
Posted by Bulatlat
The Philippines hosts United States (U.S.)
soldiers allegedly tasked with training their counterparts in the
Philippine Armed Forces. Six of these soldiers are accused of raping a
22-year old Filipina—an event that has correctly provoked questions on the
wisdom of the Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA).
The Philippine Senate rejected the
proposed extension of the terms of the 1947 Military Bases Agreement in
1991. The presence of U.S. troops in the Philippines and their involvement
in training and war exercises are supposedly authorized by the VFA, or, as
it is officially known, the "Agreement between the Government of the
Republic of the Philippines and the Government of the United States of
America Regarding the Treatment of United States Armed Forces Visiting the
Philippines."
Unlike previous military agreements with
the U.S., the VFA supposedly limits the nature of military activities to
be held in the country; the number of troops involved, and the duration of
the military activities. The Philippines allegedly has criminal and civil
jurisdiction over visiting United States personnel.
There are no basing and
access arrangements under the VFA since it
pertains merely to "the treatment of
United States troops temporarily
visiting the Philippines to conduct bilateral exercises with the
Philippines." Also under the VFA, "the
United States has
been made fully aware that the Philippine Government will not allow the
entry in Philippine territory of nuclear weapons and other weapons of mass
destruction during military exercises."
This is in consonance with
the constitutional principle that "the Philippines, consistent with the
national interest, adopts and pursues a policy of freedom from nuclear
weapons in its territory." But the constitutional proscription against
the entry of nuclear weapons into the Philippines
is reduced to an empty phrase unless the
VFA guarantees the Philippines the right to inspect visiting US air and
sea craft. It does not.
Despite the claims of its advocates, among
whom are Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and the Department of Foreign Affairs,
the VFA also effectively exempts visiting United States personnel from
criminal prosecution. Just like the defunct Military Bases Agreement, the
VFA in fact compels the Philippines to surrender this sovereign right. The
crucial VFA provision on criminal jurisdiction (Article V Section 3 [d])
thus declares:
Recognizing the responsibility of the
United States military authorities to maintain good order and discipline
among its forces, Philippine authorities will, upon request by the United
States, waive their primary right to exercise jurisdiction except in cases
of particular importance to the Philippines. If the Government of the
Philippines determines that the case is of particular importance, it shall
communicate such determination to the United States authorities within
twenty (20) days after the Philippine authorities receive the United
States request.
This provision explicitly declares that
the Philippines
"will waive" primary jurisdiction. The appended exception is meaningless
because in "cases of particular importance" to the Philippines, it can
only "request" the U.S. military authorities for recovery of jurisdiction
within 20 days. This being a mere "request," the U.S. is not bound to
grant it.
If an American soldier or civilian
"visits" under the provisions of the VFA and commits a crime, he will thus
not be subject to Philippines laws. He cannot be tried by Philippine
courts. He can only be detained in facilities acceptable to the United
States.
The VFA has been upheld by the Philippine
Supreme Court as valid and constitutional. Nevertheless, the ambiguities
of the VFA continue to haunt the Philippines and its people. Only last
Nov. 1, six U.S. servicemen who are (or were?) in the Philippines under a
VFA activity were accused of raping a 22-year old Filipina student and
local tourist inside the Subic Freeport Zone.
The crime scene was an American naval base
prior to the Philippine Senate's 1991 rejection of the 1947 Military Bases
Agreement. This would have been an otherwise uncelebrated criminal case of
gang rape – to be sure, deemed by law as a heinous crime in the
Philippines. But the offending parties have yet to be interrogated by
Philippine prosecutors, thanks to, among other factors, the failure of the
appropriate officials to take them into custody, and to even communicate
to the US its view that the case is "of particular importance."
Under Philippine law, the offenders should
be held in a Philippine facility under a no-right-to-bail provision of the
Philippine Constitution. But the six US Marines are not in Philippine
custody-allegedly
because, said Secretary of Justice Raul Gonzalez in a TV interview, taking
them into custody would have required the construction of special
facilities-implying
that while Philippine detention facilities are good enough for Filipinos,
they are not suitable for US troops!!
And yet the Philippine government
proclaims that the VFA is a fair agreement that does not degrade the
country's sovereignty even if the mere presence of foreign troops is the
most blatant expression of that degradation. The challenge to the
Philippine government is to defend and enhance Philippine interests and
the rights of its citizens to be free from the depredations of foreign
troops in their own country. But given the obvious inability of its
officials to do so—and their colonial willingness to accommodate US wishes
at all costs -
the only alternative is for the people themselves to demand the abrogation
of the agreement as an offense to their sovereign rights and as a threat
to every Filipino. Posted by Bulatlat
CenPEG is a public policy center set up
shortly before the May 2004 elections to help promote people empowerment
in governance and democratic representation of the marginalized poor in an
elitist and patronage-driven electoral and political system. It conducts
research/policy study, education and trainings on governance and people
empowerment. To pursue its programs in research and education-training, CenPEG
taps a wide pool of political analysts, public policy experts and academic
scholars for their expertise and experience in public governance as well
as in grassroots empowerment.
BACK TO
TOP ■
PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION ■
COMMENT
© 2005 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications
Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided
its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.