This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 6, March 13-19, 2005
Commentary
Media Gag and Creeping Fascism
There’s all the more reason
for the Philippine press to not only fight this renewed attack on this vital
institution but to be vigilant along with the rest of the people against a
creeping fascism that cloaks itself in “anti-terrorism.”
By Bobby Tuazon Abel Ladera, a city
councilor of Tarlac City, was buying jeep spare parts at a hardware in the city
at high noon of March 3 when he was gunned down by a single shot fired from a
van parked a few meters away. The suspect, according to the councilor’s family:
the military. Well-known in Tarlac as a Bayan Muna (BM) leader and a shoo-in for
the next mayoralty race, Ladera was the ninth martyr following the massacre of
seven farm workers at Hacienda Luisita last Nov. 16 and the assassination of a
peasant leader three weeks later. All killings were blamed by the victim’s kin
and cause-oriented groups on the armed forces’ Northern Luzon (Nolcom) command. The day Ladera was buried,
Romy Sanchez, secretary general of the militant group Bayan in Ilocos and also
BM coordinator was shot and killed in Baguio City. Suspect: military. The city
is within the military jurisdiction of Nolcom, Bayan secretary general Renato
Reyes, Jr. said. The military has been
blamed for the killing of 12 activists and organizers in Central Luzon over the
past two months. Five others remain missing in the same region, including Dan
Macapagal, former Bayan secretary general in Nueva Ecija province. In Quezon
province, four members of Gabriela, a women’s alliance, were abducted and later
slapped with charges of sedition and illegal possession of firearms. Elsewhere in Catarman,
Northern Samar, in central Philippines an armored personnel carrier (APC) of the
63rd Infantry Battalion of the Philippine Army was parked outside the
offices of BM. Beside the APC were 30 soldiers in full battle gear. The presence
of the soldiers was apparently aimed at harassing the BM members and it came on
the heels of a warning by newly-installed Eastern Visayas commander, Brig. Gen.
Jovito Palparan that he would stop mass protests in the region in six months.
Palparan had been the object of investigation by Congress and the justice
department based on several complaints of military atrocities in Oriental
Mindoro. It would take several pages
to list recent reported cases of military abuse all over the country that have
victimized in particular unarmed progressive leaders, activists and other
civilians tagged by government as “terrorists”. The point that is being stressed
here however is the fact it is the same military – along with the police
institution – that is now calling for the prosecution of media establishments
and journalists who provide print space and airtime to “terrorist groups”
particularly the holdup-for-ransom syndicate, Abu Sayyaf, and the
ideologically-driven New People’s Army (NPA).
Anti-terrorism The call for this specific
press censorship, echoed later by President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo and her
press secretary, Ignacio Bunye, was made as part of the anti-terrorism bills
which are now being resurrected in Congress. Among the authors of the various
anti-terror bills are Sen. Panfilo Lacson, a former national police chief who
had been charged with the Kuratong Baleleng rubout killings; Sen. Alfredo Lim, a
former Manila police chief; Sen. Jinggoy Estrada, son of the ousted and now
detained president Joseph Estrada; and Rep. Roilo Golez, a former Navy officer
and National Security Adviser. The National Union of
Journalists of the Philippines (NUJP) immediately shot down the proposal,
reminding government that it has no “blanket authority to define what is
anti-people or anti-state, considering that it has come under fire being just
that that, anti-people.” The NUJP has also one particular reason for opposing
the threat of media gag: Media has been muzzled enough given the series of
killings victimizing journalists and broadcasters over which – despite countless
media dialogs with police and armed forces generals – not a single case has been
solved. Many of the killings involved military and police elements. Although the move affects
the press in particular, it will practically put the last nail for tearing away
freedom of expression that the constitution itself enshrines. The same
constitution provides that the citizens’ bill of rights will stay even in an
emergency situation. Described as actually a form of political repression, the
anti-terror bills have been opposed by civil libertarians and human rights
groups for using the pretext of “anti-terrorism” in order to silence government
critics, eliminate all types of political dissent and reinstitute a fascist
state. But just to emphasize one
point, too: It would have been uncharacteristic for the military particularly
AFP deputy chief of staff Lt. Gen. Edilberto Adan not to have pressed for press
censorship. Freedom of the press is beyond the comprehension of the military –
and, for that matter, of the civilian structure that is supposed to command it –
given that its reactionary mindset defines “national security” in terms of guns
and bullets and the purging of all forms of dissent. The media gag that the
military now seeks is just an echo of its past. Fascist
tradition The fascist tradition,
which sees every criticism and activism as the shadow of communism and
“terrorism”, dates back to the time the U.S. colonialists organized the military
to crush peasant rebellions, to the Marcos dictatorship that institutionalized
the AFP as a power by itself and now in its continuing role as the surrogate
army of the United States both in its “war on terror” and in support of a
discredited puppet government. Time and time again, the
military establishment has proven itself as government’s machinery for resisting
meaningful and comprehensive reforms. In many respects, the military has been
tolerated by the civilian government in usurping more powers thus increasing the
perception that it is the military that calls the shots. Aside from being involved
in human rights violations, the military has protected the interests of
landlords and warlords against tenants’ and farm workers’ demands for land
distribution and decent wages. It is currently engaged in militarizing upland
communities to pave the way for foreign mining exploration and production. It
has deepened its involvement in electoral exercises through campaigns to
demonize and then use violence against progressive political parties.
It continues to undermine
the country’s national sovereignty by supporting greater U.S. armed intervention
in the country, its partnership with the U.S. military in war exercises and by
acting as the pressure point in peace talks coercing both the National
Democratic Front of the Philippines and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front to
capitulate. Yet despite the reactionary
role that it plays, the AFP cannot even cleanse itself of a systemic corruption
that continues to sap its fighting capability and demoralize its rank-and-file
soldiers. When, aside from sowing
terror the military begins to threaten the press to censor itself or else, then
this should alarm the journalists, whether commercial or the alternative
mainstream. There’s all the more reason for the Philippine press to not only
fight this renewed attack on this vital institution but to be vigilant along
with the rest of the people against a creeping fascism that cloaks itself in
“anti-terrorism.” Bulatlat © 2004 Bulatlat
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