Commentary
Abductions, Torture,
Killings and Lies: All in a Day’s Work for the Mercenary AFP
It’s now mid-2006, and
the killings and abductions, as well as the AFP and Malacañang’s lies have
yet to stop.
BY DEE AYROSO
Bulatlat
In March
1989,
Honor Ayroso, then a 21-year-old leader of the League of Filipino
Students, was abducted. That week, nine other activists from Nueva Ecija
also went missing. The 10 were supposed to hold a meeting in Mandaluyong
in Metro Manila.
Honorio Ayroso and family |
For days,
Honor’s parents along with the families of the others abducted went the
rounds of police stations and Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)
headquarters but were given the standard reply: “No, we don’t have them,
no; we don’t know anything about them.”
After a week
of lies and denials, Honor and his companions were surfaced and presented
to the media by the military, their names attached to their corresponding
“rank and position” as “cadres of the Communist Party of the
Philippines-New People’s Army” who were bagged in a joint operation by
elements of the Intelligence Service of the Armed Forces of the
Philippines (ISAFP), and the Capitol Regional Command of the Philippine
Constabulary or Capcom (to be later renamed as the Philippine National
Police or PNP).
|
It was then
that Honor’s group, which came to be known as the “Pasig 10” were able
recount their ordeal, of abduction and torture in an ISAFP safehouse.
Torture included electrocution, “water cure”, aside from the usual karate
chops and beatings.
Charges of
illegal possession of a firearm and inciting to sedition were filed
against the 10, which included activist leaders of the Bagong Alyansang
Makabayan-Nueva Ecija (Bayan or New Patriotic Alliance), Alliance of
Concerned Teachers and a health NGO. The Capcom claimed they found a gun
in the house where the 10 were supposed to meet.
In March
1990, after a year in detention, a Pasig Regional Trial Court judge
dismissed the case against the Pasig 10. The gun was obviously planted,
said the judge.
Thirteen
years later, on February 9, 2002, Honor and Johnny Orcino, a Bayan Muna
activist-friend were abducted, this time in San Jose City, Nueva Ecija.
It was my turn, as Honor’s wife, to search for him at the headquarters of
the police and military, and listen to their denials and lies.
But this
time, nobody owned up to the abduction and the two never surfaced.
A week
before Honor and Johnny were abducted, two other Bayan Muna activists were
also abducted in Aurora province, and in a manner which makes their
abductors’ identity so obvious: an armored personnel carrier blocked their
tricycle, after which their abductors forced them to transfer to a white
van. The two are still missing
Johnny, a
former officer of Bayan-Central Luzon, had his own share of military
brutality in December 1990, when he and his wife were abducted from their
home in Muñoz, Nueva Ecija. Intelligence officers of the Phil.
Constabulary took the couple to a safehouse where they underwent physical
and psychological torture.
Given the
military’s style, capability and motive to do harm to Honor and Johnny, we
have no other suspect in the abduction but the military, this time, under
Pres. Arroyo.
After Honor
and Johnny went missing in 2002, Army spokesperson Lt. Col. Jose Mabanta
claimed that there was a “second wave of purge” within the CPP, and that
my husband and other victims of abductions and killings might have been
done in by “their comrades.” The AFP went as far as digging up what they
called a mass grave of victims of the CPP purges. For all we know, those
could have been victims of the military.
It’s now
2006, and the killings and abductions, as well as the AFP and Malacañang’s
lies have yet to stop. We are still hearing their stories of “purging”
and “mass graves”, of assassination plots and CPP titles and for all we
know, the tortured Erap supporter could have very ably tortured himself
while in ISAFP captivity.
During
Martial Law, the abductions, torture and killings were all under Marcos’
central command. Everyone was said to know what the others are doing. Now
under Arroyo, the individual death squads operate on their own, with one
not privy to the other’s operation. Spare me the bloody detail, Arroyo
probably says. Yet it still has her and the National Security Council’s
blessings.
It was
fortunate for the Erap 5 that deposed president Joseph Estrada issued a
statement on Wednesday that scared Malacanang. The five were presented to
the media the same day.
The voices
of the families of victims of forced disappearance and killings may not be
loud enough now to scare Arroyo and her death squads. But I’m still
optimistic. Just like in the ouster of the Marcos Dictatorship in 1986
and the Estrada regime in 2001, with the help of the activist groups, then
the biggest organized bloc in EDSA, and many of them human rights
violations victims themselves, justice will begin to be served when
Arroyo’s fascist regime is finally ousted. Bulatlat
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