ANALYSIS
Is the Country Now
Ruled by a Military-Civilian Junta?
At least 21 generals in Arroyo cabinet, civil service hierarchy
Is a de facto
military-civilian junta now ruling the country? This appears to be the
case with the increasing number of military and police oligarchs occupying
key posts in President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s cabinet and the civil
service hierarchy.
By Bobby Tuazon
Bulatlat
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo
gestures while talking to AFP chief of staff Lt. Gen. Hermogenes
Esperon, Jr. |
Is a de facto
military-civilian junta now lording over the country? This appears to be
the case with the increasing number of military and police oligarchs
occupying key posts in President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo’s cabinet and the
civil service hierarchy.
A few of these
appointees used to be identified closely with the Marcos dictatorship but
were retained and promoted during the Aquino and Ramos presidencies. A
number of them switched loyalties from President Joseph Estrada to his
then vice president, Macapagal-Arroyo, in the political turbulence that
led to the former’s ouster in January 2001. Some were given juicy
positions as a payback for supporting Macapagal-Arroyo in the May 2004
elections.
|
The latest to be
appointed by Macapagal-Arroyo is Pedro Cabuay as deputy for
counter-insurgency of the National Security Council (NSC). Cabuay is a
former lieutenant general whose last assignment was as commander of the
Southern Luzon Command (Solcom). He has been accused of being a
“mini-Palparan” for alleged extrajudicial killings and enforced
disappearances during his stint in Southern Luzon. Cabuay has denied the
allegations.
Before him,
recently-retired Philippine National Police (PNP) director general Arturo
Lomibao was also appointed as head of the National Irrigation
Administration (NIA). Lomibao, along with current Armed Forces of the
Philippines (AFP) chief, Gen. Hermogenes Esperson, Jr., was accused of
involvement in the May 2004 electoral fraud that ensured the election of
Macapagal-Arroyo as president.
Cabuay and Lomibao
join retired military and police generals in the executive department,
among them: Eduardo Ermita, executive secretary; Angelo Reyes, environment
and natural resources secretary; Leandro Mendoza, transportation
secretary; Hermogenes Ebdane, public works and highways secretary; Narciso
Abaya, Bases Conversion and Development Authority; Ernesto de Leon,
ambassador to Australia; Roy Cimatu, ambassador-at-large for the Middle
East; and Benjamin Defensor, ambassador for counter-terrorism.
The others are:
Honesto Isleta, presidential assistant on strategic information; Efren
Abu, ambassador to BIMP-EAGA; Roberto Lastimoso, MRTC director; Dionisio
Santiago, Dangerous Drugs Board; Glenn Rabonza, Office of Civil Defense
executive director; Angel Atutubo, MIAA assistant general manager for
security; Thelmo Cunanan, SSS chairman; Edgardo Espinosa, MECO managing
director; Florencio Fianza, Philippine Racing Commission acting chair;
Reynaldo Berroya, transportation assistant secretary; Enrique Galang,
Bureau of Immigration executive director; and Edgar Aglipay, Philippine
Retirement Authority.
There are reports
that former AFP chief Generoso Senga will be named head of Transco.
Marcos
dictatorship
The appointment of
retired military and police officials in the cabinet and civil service
bureaucracy has been an institutionalized tradition dating back to the
Marcos dictatorship (1972-1986). Presidents who carried on this tradition
defend the appointments as based on the “professional skills and
expertise” of the military and police officials and not necessarily
because the government bureaucracy is being militarized.
It is on record,
however, that the presence of generals in the cabinet and the civil
service bureaucracy has further undermined civilian authority thus
strengthening the ascendancy of military power. Military power has been
boosted by high budgetary allocations, fat salaries for senior officials
and guarantees of post-retirement benefits and appointments. The display
of military power in the civilian bureaucracy can also be seen in the
commanding presence of military and police authorities in local peace and
order councils. At the executive department, it is the military that is
practically holding sway in the government’s national internal security
policy which is the blueprint for the total war against the Left.
The number of former
military and police officials in the Macapagal-Arroyo executive
bureaucracy has been unsurpassed compared to previous administrations.
Many of these officials, while in active service, had been charged with
graft and corruption, involvement in illicit drugs and gambling, electoral
fraud and other scams. The accusations were denied, however.
Just the same,
considering the current political situation and favors constantly given by
the embattled president to her security forces, the creeping
militarization of the government bureaucracy sends a chilling effect on
concerned human rights, church and lawyers groups and civil libertarians
in the country.
With her election as
president tainted by electoral fraud and impeachment charges being filed
for two consecutive years, Macapagal-Arroyo has resorted to strong-arm
tactics to stay in power. In this regard, the declaration of emergency
rule, the issuance of the calibrated preemptive response, threats of libel
and surveillance on the media and executive gags on the cabinet and
generals are just some of the latest political moves taken.
The national ID
system which is virtually an intelligence surveillance of all Filipinos is
expected to be implemented next year, according to government sources.
Macapagal-Arroyo’s allies in the Senate are also pushing for the
anti-terrorism bill (ATB) which, if passed into law, is a curtailment of
the bill of rights most especially the right to dissent. The passage of
the ATB can be the Senate’s compromise with the president and the ruling
coalition-dominated House in exchange for putting the proposed charter
change in the backburner.
So assertive,
barefaced and abusive has been the president’s exercise of executive power
that the supposed “constitutional check and balance” and accountability
principle that Congress especially the Senate is supposed to symbolize has
weakened. The acquiescence of Congress to executive power and, by
extension, to the military and police hierarchy further undermines
civilian supremacy.
Authoritarian rule
Many Filipinos see
all these political measures and “legal” mechanisms being put in place,
brick by brick, as a basis for placing the country under authoritarian
rule. In fact, authoritarian rule will be a de facto scenario sans its
formal declaration by Macapagal-Arroyo. If this happens, will not the
planned charter change, which will lead to the further concentration of
executive power, be a foregone conclusion?
There is no doubt
that the civilian bureaucracy has become an enclave of military and police
officials as a payback for supporting the president and as a means of
shielding them from prosecution and accountability over their past
misdeeds. Their being embedded in the center of civilian authority only
shows the overshadowing presence of military power with the civilian
rulers playing second fiddle or just a façade. Bulatlat
BACK TO
TOP ■
PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION ■
COMMENT
© 2006 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Media Center
Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided
its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.