9/11:
Katrina Started at Ground Zero
By David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz
Posted by Bulatlat
Nothing
else worked that day. The President was flying haplessly around the
country looking distinctly unpresidential; the Vice President was in a
bunkered panic. The military couldn't scramble armed jets and anything
else that could go wrong did. But one thing worked, and it worked
splendidly -- the New York City, as well as federal, public-health system.
While
the World Trade Center was burning fiercely and about to become a vast
cloud of toxic smoke and ash, public health officials were already
mobilizing. Within hours, hospitals had readied themselves to receive the
injured; hundreds of ambulances were lined up along the West Side Highway
awaiting word to race to the scene; the city's public health department
had opened its headquarters to receive hundreds of people stricken by
smoke inhalation, heart attacks, or just pure terror; the Department of
Health had already begun providing gas masks and other protective
equipment to doctors, evacuation personnel, and first responders of all
sorts. From bandages and surgical tools to antibiotics and
radiation-detection equipment, the federal Centers for Disease Control
readied immense plane-loads of emergency supplies, ferrying them up to New
York's LaGuardia Airport aboard some of the few planes allowed to fly in
the days after September 11th.
Despite
the general panic and the staggering levels of destruction, even seemingly
inconsequential or long-range potential health problems were attended to:
Restaurants were broken into to empty thousands of pounds of rotting food
from electricity-less refrigerators, counters tops, and refrigeration
rooms; vermin infestations were averted; puddles were treated to stop
mosquitoes from breeding so that West Nile virus would not affect the
thousands of police, fire, and other search-and-rescue personnel working
at Ground Zero.
In the
face of a great and unexpected catastrophe, this is the way it was
supposed to be -- and (for those who care to be nostalgic) after 5 years
of the Bush administration's Global War on Terror, not the way it's ever
likely to be again. One of the great ironies of 9/11 will pass unnoticed
in the various memorials and remembrances now descending upon us: In the
wake of the attacks, as the Bush administration claimed it was gearing up
to protect us against any further such moments by pouring money into the
Pentagon and the new Department of Homeland Security, its officials were
also reorienting, privatizing, militarizing, and beginning to functionally
dismantle the very public health system that made the catastrophe of 9/11
so much less disastrous than it might have been.
It took
no time at all for the administration to start systematically undercutting
the efforts of experienced health administrators in New York and at the
national Centers for Disease Control. By pressing them to return the city
to "normal" and feeding them doctored information about dust levels --
ignoring scientific uncertainties about the dangers that lingered in the
air -- the administration lied to support a national policy of denial.
Bush-style
Safety
Putting
in place a dysfunctional bureaucracy would soon undermine the public's
trust in the whole health system in downtown Manhattan. In the process, it
also effectively crippled systems already in existence to protect workers,
local residents, and children attending school in the area. As a result,
what promised to be an extraordinary example of a government bureaucracy
actually working turned into a disaster and later became the de facto
model for the Federal response to Hurricane Katrina.
Here's
how it worked: First, Karl Rove and George Bush saw an opportunity --
mounting the pile of World Trade Center rubble -- for a public-relations
coup in devastated Manhattan that could instantly reverse the President's
distinctly unpresidential day on 9/11 and his administration's previously
weak polling numbers. Second, Washington pushed New York Mayor Rudolf
Giuliani and local officials to get with the program and re-open Wall
Street (which the 9/11 attacks had shut down) faster than was advisable.
Third, city officials were told by administration emissaries that, despite
the pall hanging over Ground Zero, all was well with the air and water in
lower Manhattan and normal life should resume.
Finally,
although nearly the entire city could, for months to come, smell the
rancid co-mingling of burning plastics, asbestos, lead, chromium, mercury,
vinyl chloride, benzene, and scores of other toxic materials as well as
decaying human flesh, Bush's appointees in the Environmental Protection
Agency (EPA) continually bombarded city officials with reports claiming
that the air was certifiably "safe" to breathe.
As EPA Administrator Christy Whitman
put it, "There's no need for the general public to be concerned." To this
day we do not know the extent of contamination or level of exposure to
which residents, workers, and students in the area were (and are still
being) subjected.
Everyone
got on the band wagon: the President mounted the pile of rubble without
respiratory protection, signaling to firemen, policemen, and volunteers
that he-men shouldn't worry about the towers having become a toxic
waste-pile the likes of which the developed world hadn't seen since
Chernobyl. Under the goading of EPA officials, even the venerable New York
City Department of Health (despite internal dissention) began proclaiming
lower Manhattan safe for the return of residents. (At that time, Lower
Manhattan's congressional representative Jerrold Nadler was arguing that
it was still dangerously toxic.) The Board of Education, feeling the heat
from the Giuliani administration -- in turn, reacting to pressure from
Washington -- ordered schools just a few blocks from Ground Zero reopened
and thousands of students were sent back to the neighborhood.
New
Yorkers, complaining of stinging and watery eyes, knew this was not, in
any conventional sense, a "safe" area. Karl Rove and the President,
however, were focused on solidifying the Republican Party's hold on the
nation.
In that context, the possible
effects on the lives and lungs of a few hundred thousand New Yorkers was a
minor matter.
The
policy worked like a charm -- at least initially. The clearing of the pile
was accomplished with miraculous speed. City authorities had estimated it
would take two to three years, but thousands of city employees,
undocumented workers, and volunteers labored feverishly and often without
protection, in part inspired by the patriotic fervor that gripped
Americans.
The 1.8 million tons of debris
was gone in a mere eight and a half months. And, miraculously, the
President's poll numbers, down in the toxic dumps just weeks before the
9/11 attacks, rose dramatically.
Residents of the area, at first wary that their apartments had been
polluted, began to accept official reassurances and soon streamed back to
the co-ops of Battery Park City and the lofts north and south of the Trade
Center site.
Despite their fears, parents,
clinging to the consoling pronouncements
that poured from the EPA, the city administration, and even the Department
of Health, sent their children back into what some were calling a
"war-zone."
The Bush
administration's triumph in bringing "normalcy" back to the area around
Ground Zero would, however, turn out to be a victory of style over
substance -- of a sort that would become far more familiar to Americans in
the years ahead. Just as the challenging questions and assessments of
intelligence analysts and State Department experts would be ignored or
drowned out by administration pronouncements on supposed Iraqi weapons of
mass destruction as well as Saddam Hussein's alleged links to al-Qaeda,
so, in those first weeks, the EPA's official pronouncements of safety
trumped
the skepticism of scientists at
Mt. Sinai and other area medical schools, reporters like Juan Gonzalez of
the Daily News and even local residents and politicians all of whom knew
something was wrong. "The mayor's office is under pressure" to reopen
lower Manhattan,
reported one official who
worried that the city's own Department of Environmental Protection felt
the air was not suitable to breathe.
Before long, parents of
children in the neighborhood were engaged in screaming matches with local
officials who had the hapless task of carrying out policies they didn't
necessarily support. As it happened, they were all correct in their fears.
Class action lawsuits from over
7,000 residents and workers subsequently led to the discovery of documents
showing how intense pressure from Mayor Giuliani had indeed led the
Department of Health to certify areas in lower Manhattan safe so that they
could be reopened for residents and businesses.
Style over
Substance
What
began with the dismantling of an effective public-health response at
Ground Zero later spread to the entire national and local public-health
systems. From September 12th, 2001 on, public-health professionals called
ever more vigorously for resources to revamp a sagging health
infrastructure of hospitals, emergency services, disease-reporting
systems, and preventive health care -- in essence, the country's first
line of defense against all sorts of health catastrophes, whether caused
by terrorism or not.
As state
after state faced fiscal crises, what public health departments got was
"yo-yo funding," up one year, down the next. What they did not get from
the Bush administration were adequate resources to face a more dangerous
world -- to make sure we knew when a strange disease pattern was emerging
or where increased reports of peculiar symptoms might indicate a terrorist
plot. The public-health community never got sufficient equipment to detect
higher than expected levels of radiation emanating from a container at
some port, nor sufficient lab facilities and trained epidemiologists to
track local outbreaks of disease. Instead, it got funding for a
high-profile, showcase, mass
smallpox-inoculation campaign
for a disease that may not even exist on the planet, and ineffective,
color-coded public-warning systems that made everyone cynical about any
alert that might come from public officials.
In
general, administration officials worked doggedly in the public health
arena to create great media images that drew attention away from real, if
sometimes humdrum, reforms that might have cost money. In the meantime,
such
public-health basics as
laboratories, well-baby clinic care, and inoculation campaigns were
quietly drained of money badly needed for a war-gone-wrong in Iraq.
Administration cronies with no particular skills or experience in
emergency management were put in charge of FEMA and on scientific panels
at the Centers for Disease Control. As in other areas, administration
officials evidently hoped that nothing revealing would happen on their
watch and that they could slide away into history before anyone realized
the public's health was in danger.
Then
Hurricane Katrina blew into town, allowing the world to see just how
unprepared they were. From a public health point of view, Katrina was the
dark underside of the 9/11 experience. From lack of emergency-power
supplies for hospitals to an inability to collect dead bodies (in some
cases for months), administration-managed public health services proved
hopeless and helpless in New Orleans -- which increasingly meant anywhere
in the U.S. If that was what Katrina could do, what would happen if
terrorists actually released a dirty bomb in the middle of Atlanta, Los
Angeles, or Houston? Would the public-health community even have the
crucial equipment available to detect the nature of such an attack, much
less respond quickly? Would anyone be lining up the ambulances, passing
out the medications, checking those restaurants and puddles this time
around, no less organizing an orderly evacuation of residents?
In the
wake of September 11th, the public health community saw its sanest
initiatives stifled and its priorities distorted. While money is
now less available for the
inoculation of babies from the real threats of rubella, mumps, and
measles, as hoped-for funds to prevent as many as 350,000 children from
getting lead poisoning are no longer on anyone's agenda, as federal funds
to support health education have been rescinded, and as (unbelievably
enough) money needed to protect U.S. ports from dirty bombs or
bioterrorism have all-but-vanished, Katrina victims still wander the
nation wondering whether they will be able to see a physician.
For the
next 9/11, when it comes to public health, don't think New York, Ground
Zero, 2001; think New Orleans, August 29, 2005. Think: "Brownie, you're
doing a heck of a job..." Then sit back amid the disaster and wait for the
private charities to appear, wait for FEMA to send in the mobile homes.
David
Rosner and Gerald Markowitz are the authors of the just published
Are We Ready? Public Health Since 9/11,
(University of California Press/Milbank Fund). Rosner is Professor of
History and Public Health at Columbia University's Mailman School of
Public Health. Markowitz is Distinguished Professor of History at John Jay
College and CUNY Graduate Center. On September 11th, Markowitz anxiously
awaited word from his wife, who worked only a few blocks from the World
Trade Center, while Rosner frantically biked toward the collapsing
buildings, looking for his daughter whose school was only blocks away.
[This
article first appeared on
Tomdispatch.com, a weblog of
the Nation Institute, which offers a steady flow of alternate sources,
news, and opinion from Tom Engelhardt, long time editor in publishing,
co-founder of
the American Empire Project and
author of
The End of Victory Culture, a
history of American triumphalism in the Cold War, and of a novel,
The Last Days of Publishing.]
September 5, 1006
Posted by
Bulatlat
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