LABOR WATCH
As NAFLU
celebrates 50th anniversary in May:
Workers Honor
Felixberto Olalia (1903-1983)
The National Federation
of Labor Unions-Kilusang Mayo Uno (NAFLU-KMU, May First Movement) holds a
tribute-dinner in honor of Felixberto Olalia, Sr. on April 16 in Quezon
City, as part of activities in celebration of NAFLU-KMU’s turning 50 years
old in May 2007. NAFLU-KMU’s founder Olalia Sr., a multi-awarded, highly
popular labor leader in his time, a brave Huk guerrila commander and a
timeless, shining example until now of what it means to champion genuine,
militant and anti-imperialist unionism.
BY MARYA G. SALAMAT
Contributed to Bulatlat
Based on his own
recollection, Felixberto Olalia, son of poor farmers from Pampanga,
started working as an apprentice in a shoe factory at the age of 13. It’s
a very young age for a boy to start working, but even before that, as a
child, Olalia had actually worked for some time as a servant to a wealthy
family in Tarlac, where he overheard his master saying that chili is bad
for the poor because it increases their appetite and makes them eat more.
That the poor have limited rights to having appetite and eating would be
Olalia’s unforgettable first political lesson in life, a story he would
narrate often.
Forced to stop
schooling at a young age and brought to Manila’s miserable workers’
district, Olalia came of age and started life not only as a young worker
but also as a nationalist activist. He and his family first lived in
Bagumbayan (Sta. Cruz) and Tondo. Given the concentration in the area and
in the adjacent districts of strategic manufacturing and commercial
establishments and workers’ communities, these areas had historically been
breeding grounds of the country’s first unions, union leaders and
nationalist heroes.
|
Felixberto “Ka Bert” Olalia addresses
a gathering of workers and trade unionists
|
The shoe shop where
Olalia first worked had a union which, along with 21 other shoe shops
belonged to the Union de Chineleros y Zapateros de Filipinas (UCZF, Union
of Slipper Makers and Shoemakers of the Philippines). Perhaps because of
his early experience at poverty, Olalia quickly joined the union’s
activities. He became elected as “member” when the union reorganized,
which meant Olalia became tasked to do lots of technical work, including
functioning like a messenger. He recalled how he would hand the invites
for a meeting to all 21 unions of UCZF. Olalia was elected as secretary
from 1920 to 1925, then president up to 1940.
As member and later,
a leader of UCZF, he and others led demonstrations demanding the
Philippines’ independence from the US and eight-hour working day (they
worked twelve hours every day at the time). They brandished the Philippine
flags during their rallies even if it was patently banned, and to be
caught waving one meant a scuffle with the American police and
imprisonment.
Coalition work
Because the union he
was leading was composed of numerous shops with local unions, Olalia
clearly grew to appreciate the value of coalescing with other workers and
unions in the Philippines to further strengthen their campaign leverage.
In 1939, he helped organize the militant Katipunan ng mga Anakpawis (KAP,
Association of the Toiling Masses) and was elected its general secretary.
Then he took part in the all-out campaign to unite labor; they formed the
Collective Labor Movement (CLM) where he was elected Vice-President.
At the time of the
U.S. colonial government, then the puppet commonwealth government, and
then today’s puppet (though supposedly sovereign) government, trade union
repression was (and still is) the government’s standard reaction, later
coupled with nurturing yellow unionism to divide the traditionally
militant and nationalist unions and to confound the masses of workers.
Since the U.S. colonial government began training and coddling local
yellow union leaders, uniting the Filipino labor movement has become a
sort of a holy grail to genuine and militant unionists.
In the history of the
Philippine labor movement, Olalia proved the most indefatigable in
striving to cobble together the broadest possible coalition of working
people. When CLM failed, he and other labor leaders organized the Manila
Labor Council in 1940 where he was elected general secretary.
The outbreak of World
War II merely stoked Olalia’s desire for freedom. Becoming a member at
last of the Communist Party of the Philippines (now referred to as the
“old” party) which had been established a decade earlier by elder
stalwarts of the labor movement like Crisanto Evangelista, Olalia’s
energies became more fruitfully devoted to organizing, and this time, to
armed guerrilla warfare as well.
As designated
secretary of Manila-Rizal, he delivered in organizing the area. Before the
Japanese troops invaded the Philippines, he also trained at guerilla
warfare in Nueva Ecija and upon his return to Manila, was recruited by the
Allied Intelligence Bureau to its service, knowing full well that he is
also a member of the Hukbalahap (Huk, People’s Army Against the Japanese).
Olalia served as
commander of Hukbalahap’s Manila squadrons, but he had to organize at
least three squadrons of fighters first, who mostly came from organized
workers.
Ideological
battles of the looked-down upon self-taught intellectual
Olalia reached only
Grade IV but it did not stop him from reading academic heavyweights such
as the political-economic treatises of Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin, which
Crisanto Evangelista would lend him, or which Olalia himself had bought
out of his meager earnings as a shoe worker. He was soon able to build up
a considerable library.
But just like Andres
Bonifacio, Olalia had been haunted by his low formal educational
attainment even in his own field of workers’ organizations. To the
courageous and proud man it must have rankled, as in fact he’d candidly
admitted to having been hurt in an interview in 1980 with journalist Pete
Lacaba, where he said:
“Though it hurts to
say it, it’s unfortunately the truth… I’m (just) a worker, and no one had
imagined that a worker like me may one day become a mass leader or a
participant in theoretical discussions on Marxism.” (Olalia was trying to
explain why a few intellectual leaders from the Newspaper Guild sided with
Amado V. Hernandez while most of the workers sided with him in a
misunderstanding that had not even involved Hernandez within the Congress
of Labor Organization in the late 1940s.)
Olalia had also been
expelled twice from the old Communist Party due to disagreements with the
Lava brothers’ analysis of the Philippine political situation and their
subsequent policies. First, when Olalia opposed the retreat-for-defense
policy imposed by the Lavas who mistakenly believed the Filipinos were no
longer fighting the Japanese troops; Olalia reported that it may be true
for most USAFFE but not for the squadrons of Hukbalahap rebels who were
still operating in many areas. Second, when Olalia vocally doubted the
“See you in Malacañang” ambitions of the Lavas who believed that winning
in the elections alone would sweep them in power.
History proved
Olalia’s analyses and positions correct, but by then, while in the thick
of forming bigger and broader labor organizations, he was already telling
a doubtful Maj. Gen. Prospero Olivas that he is no longer a member of the
erstwhile Communist Party. His achievements as labor leader wrote history
for the Philippine labor movement, a feat which even the Department of
Labor and Employment, in celebrating the centennial of the labor movement,
honored in 2003.
After the Second
World War, Olalia quickly resumed workers’ organizing. Even if
“mopping-up operations” were still being conducted, he and other labor
leaders in the newly formed CLO organized the first May 1 rally after the
war in 1945. American security forces reportedly disarmed them of their
placards, but they managed to conduct a program and even welcomed some GIs
and WACs who joined them when the latter saw what remained of their May
Day placards.
The rally, according
to Olalia was “just a May 1 celebration, because May 1 is a revolutionary
day being celebrated by progressives all over the world.” From that day on
in 1945 and many more Labor Day celebrations after that, Olalia would help
and lead in organizing more militant organizations. The last and at
present the biggest militant labor center that he helped form was Kilusang
Mayo Uno (May 1st Movement).
Formed in 1980 by a
broad alliance of militant and nationalist unions, federations and
alliances that grew strong even as it protested against Martial Law,
Olalia and the rest of KMU’s leaders were hounded and jailed by Marcos’
troops. For Olalia, it would be his second (and final) arrest and
imprisonment under Martial Law. He was first arrested and imprisoned in
October 1972; 10 years later, after seeing to the massive expansion and
outbursts of progressive activities of the workers’ movement, which
culminated in the founding of the KMU in May 1980, Olalia was again
arrested and jailed in 1982. He was put in solitary confinement. Forced to
sleep on cold cement floor for two weeks, Olalia, 79, then already
regarded as the “Grand Old Man of Philippine Labor,” fell ill and later
died, a “house-arrest” prisoner.
Lasting
contributions
Before the
heavy-handed government crackdown against militant labor in the 1950s,
Olalia served as treasurer of CLO (Congress of Labor Organizations). But
after disagreements with other CLO leaders over how militant they ought to
be, he led the establishment of Katipunan ng mga Kaisahang Manggagawa (KKM)
in 1949, bringing with him and other leaders most of their affiliate
unions from big government and private corporations. The KKM spearheaded
the 1951 demonstrations against a proposed bill in Congress outlawing
strikes in government corporations. The said bill was not enacted into
law.
With KKM Olalia again
tried to unite labor by forming the Council of Trade Unions in the
Philippines, but his efforts failed. However, Marcos in the 1970s would
bring back the idea of this united labor by forming the Trade Union
Congress of the Philippines (TUCP), for the opposite reasons held by
Olalia. The latter worked to unite labor according to its historical
revolutionary traditions, Marcos according to the yellow or
collaborationist mode of unionism prescribed by the U.S. colonial
government since the 1920s, when it became apparent to the U.S. colonial
government that they cannot just outlaw militant unionism.
KKM led several
demonstrations asking the government to enact laws for the protection and
amelioration of the laboring people. As a result of Olalia’s seemingly
fearless defense of the workers, he was overwhelmingly elected as Chairman
for Labor in the First National Labor-Management Conference held in July
1951 at the Rizal Memorial Coliseum. In his position, Olalia was
instrumental in the adoption of various resolutions which the Philippine
Congress enacted into laws. For instance, the Magna Carta of Labor, Women
& Child Labor Law, Minimum Wage Law, creation of an Agrarian Court and
other laws beneficial to labor.
But despite (or
because of) his popularity and valuable service to workers, Olalia was
arrested by the police for alleged subversive activities later in 1951.
Released from jail in 1956, he proceeded immediately to organizing
workers, thus courageously flouting the terror of the crackdown on
militant unionism.
Before the 1950s
ended, Olalia had helped established, at first in 1954, the Confederation
of Labor of the Philippines, and in 1957 (after coming into conflict with
some CLP leaders concerning honest and genuine trade unionism), the
National Federation of Labor Unions (NAFLU).
Said Felixberto
Olalia of NAFLU: “Ang pinakamalaki nitong nagawa ay ang makapagbigay ng
halimbawa ng genuine trade union. Hindi kami nagluluku-lokohan. Hindi kami
tumatanggap ng under the table deals (lagay). Ang ipinaglalaban namin ay
para sa kapakanan ng mga manggagawa. Ang isa pa naming nagawa ay ang aming
pagposisyon laban sa pagsasamantala ng mga dayuhan, laluna sa tinatawag na
transnasyunal o multinasyunal. Nilalabanan namin ang lahat ng nagiging
sanhi ng ano mang makasasama sa mga manggagawa.”(Its biggest legacy is
serving as an example of a genuine trade union. We are not fooling the
workers. We do not accept under-the-table deals. We are fighting for the
interest of the workers. One of the things we were able to do was to take
a stand against exploitation by foreigners, particularly the so-called
transnational or multinational corporations. We fight all those that will
be bad for the workers.)
With NAFLU striving
to increase the number of “genuine trade unions,” or militant and
anti-imperialist unions, Olalia did not stop pursuing his dream to unite
the Philippine trade union movement and expand the scope of their
struggles from mere plant-level collective bargaining negotiations to
joining street and parliamentary struggles. While keeping an eye on
NAFLU’s undertakings (where later he would be helped a great deal by his
son, Rolando Olalia, who was then shaping up into another great labor
leader himself), Olalia launched himself into repeated efforts to form a
broader organization that would unite and solidify labor.
In 1959 Olalia
campaigned to unite the trade union movement with the formation of the
Katipunan ng Manggagawang Pilipino (Association of Filipino Workers), but
it lasted only until 1963. He co-founded the Lapiang Manggagawa (LM,
Workers’ Party) which later became the Socialist Party of the Philippines
(SPP). In 1964, he conceived and finally organized with the assistance of
other peasant leaders, the Malayang Samahang Magsasaka (Masaka, Free
Association of Peasants), composed of peasants from Bataan, Bulacan,
Zambales, Laguna, Batangas, Pampanga, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Cavite, Rizal
and other provinces. Masaka was considered the most militant and biggest
peasant organization until the declaration of Martial Law in 1972.
He was leading a
worker-peasant delegation to the People’s Republic of China when Martial
Law was imposed in the Philippines. He was said to have thought hard about
returning, he was being offered an asylum in China. But Olalia still went
back home where at the airport, he was promptly seized and then detained
at Camp Crame for about five months.
The struggle to
end the Marcos dictatorship
Olalia’s leadership
in militant unionism and mass movement ran against each Philippine
government’s ideas of economic growth which revolved around selling the
country’s natural resources, including its cheap and docile workers. Or in
today’s parlance, “competitive.”
As president of NAFLU
and with his talents for alliance work, Olalia helped a great deal in the
Filipino labor movement’s concerted efforts to resist the clampdown on
their human and trade union rights, and in the process to expose and
oppose the Marcos dictatorship’s iron rule. Through their concerted mass
actions and campaigns, they brought home the message that contrary to the
much-promised development, the majority of the Filipino people were
increasingly getting hungrier, their livelihoods and wages insufficient to
cover even the most basic of their needs.
The strikes and
demonstrations they held even when these were banned gave others hope and
courage in joining protest actions. The success of the strikes they led,
as well as the growing restiveness of labor amidst a worsening economic
situation, eventually paved the way for a broader cross-section of
Philippine labor movement to meet together to hold a joint May Day rally,
despite the ban on rallies.
In the 1980s, Olalia
and the labor organizations he led also became popular among people’s
organizations abroad, so that the Philippines’ Grand Old Man of Labor
Movement was frequently invited to speak at conferences abroad.
Establishing linkages with labor organizations abroad, Olalia also helped
urge these organizations to pressure their governments to withdraw its
support from the Marcos dictatorship.
For his life’s work
in the progressive people’s movement, Felixberto Olalia paid a high price
– in sum he had been arrested and charged with rebellion from September
1951 to 1956; jailed in 1972 (because he cannot bear to not be in the
Philippines where the war was being fought); arrested again and charged
with conspiracy to rebellion in 1982. He died a prisoner in 1983, at the
age of 80.
He died a hero’s
death, but it is the courageous and resilient way he had spent his long
life in service of the people that deserves to be remembered and emulated.
Notwithstanding the awards he received, the countless votes of confidence
and support from the masses of workers and even from some organizations of
the upper classes, Felixberto Olalia deserves to be recognized as our
national hero. He himself explained why, although he probably never meant
it that way: “Banal at dakila ang maglingkod sa uring manggagawa.” (It is
virtuous and noble to serve the working class.) Bulatlat
BACK TO
TOP ■
PRINTER-FRIENDLY VERSION ■
COMMENT
© 2007 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications
Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided
its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.