HISTORICAL COMMENTARY
Rizal and the
Myth of the Golden Pancake
Did
national hero
José
Rizal lie to Spanish authorities when he denounced the 1896 revolution? A
review of pertinent historical sources shows that the answer is yes and
that he might have even financially supported the revolution.
BY
ROSALINDA N. OLSEN
Contributed to Bulatlat
Some
issues just can’t be laid to rest even when these have been declared as
settled by experts and renowned scholars.
Many of these revolve around
the events of 1896, particularly those concerning José Rizal and Andres
Bonifacio. A document
worth analyzing is an undated letter of Bonifacio to Emilio Jacinto that
could have been written around March-April 1897.
Temporarily setting aside
questions of authenticity, what does the following paragraph signify?
Ang ating mga kapatid dito
ay nakatanggap buhat sa “Hongkong” sa isang “namatay” na M. Dimas Alang na
ipinadala ng kaniyang pinsan na naninirahan doon na nag pahayag ng
pagdating ng dalawa nating sugo Jocson at Alehandrino; at kanilang nagawa
(ng dalawang ito) na makapagpakita ng poder; at gayun din naman walang
pitak na natangap doon na dahil dito’y kanilang ginugol ang salaping
nalalagak doon ni Rizal at humihingi tuloy ng poder at salapi.
(bold highlight
supplied by author)
(English
translation) The brethren here have received from the “deceased” (namatay)
“Sr. Dimas-lang” (M. Dimasalang) a letter from “Hongkong” (Hongkong), sent
by a cousin of his who resides there, reporting the arrival of our two
messengers “Jocson and Alejandrino” (Jocson at si Alehandrino); that both
are unable to show any “power” (poder); also, that no “silver” (pilak) has
been received there and that for this reason they used the “money
deposited” (salaping nalalagak) there by Rizal and asked, besides,
for power and money” (Rizal at humihinji tuloy nk poder at salapi.)
The word
“nalalagak” has two meanings. One meaning, which is the most
commonly used, refers to money deposited in a bank; the other meaning
refers to money or valuables placed in the safekeeping of a trusted
person. “Rizal” in
both the Tagalog and the English version clearly meant José, not Paciano
or any of the two Rizal sisters who were active members of the Katipunan.
Obviously, there was only one “Rizal” for Bonifacio and that was José, as
Bonifacio used in the rest of that letter (and other writings) “G.
Paciano” or simply “Paciano” when referring to José’s elder brother. We
shall not argue, for now, what was Rizal’s purpose in depositing that
money in Hong Kong because the big question is, how and why was that money
accessible to Bonifacio and the Katipunan?
Was
Rizal secretly aiding the Katipunan while on the other hand writing and
issuing disclaimers that distance him from the 1896 revolution? That
Rizal was unjustly shot at Bagumbayan for his alleged revolutionary
activities is generally accepted.
Was Rizal innocent as proven
by his Manifesto of 15 December 1896 and his public denials that, among
other things, denounced the revolution as barbarous and ill-timed?
At his trial, Rizal denied
any connection with the Katipunan’s revolutionary activities. Did Rizal
lie at his own trial? Remember that Rizal was a master of semantics and
adept in thomistic philosphy (mostly based on Aristotle’s principles of
logic) which includes the principle of mental reservation.
One
example of mental reservation that my high school teachers drummed into
our heads was: It is not a lie when you reply to a person borrowing money
from you that you have no money, because what you mean is you have no
money that you are willing to lend to the borrower. More compelling than
the use of mental reservation, however, is that the 1896 revolution
literally created a “state of war.” Hence, the only correct and moral
thing to do for one who is captured by the enemy is to lie when
interrogated. To tell the truth in that case is to betray one’s country
and his countrymen who were risking their lives to win freedom. So did
Rizal lie? I most certainly think that he did.
It
should not be too difficult to conceive of a Rizal lying to anyone if we
forget even for just a little while the “sainted” Rizal that his ardent
admirers have fashioned, complete with a golden pancake over his head
(i.e., the golden halo of sanctity). It will also be quite easy to
understand why Rizal could lie at his own trial if we do not completely
rely only on the words of scholars and historians who write and speak with
such authority by virtue of their small golden pancakes conferred by the
academe. Let us, to quote Rizal again, “use our own torch.”
A few
days before leaving Hong Kong to return to the Philippines, Rizal wrote
two letters that he left with his friend Dr. Lorenzo Marquez with the
instructions, “To be opened after my death.” One letter was addressed to
his parents, brother, sisters, and friends; the other was addressed simply
“To the Filipinos.” Both letters, written on June 20, 1892, were closely
similar in content, particularly Rizal’s conviction that his death will
free his family and his countrymen from unjust persecution. Compare the
content and intent of these lines.
In the
letter to his family, Rizal wrote, “’A man ought to die for his duty and
his convictions. I
hold to all the ideas which I have published concerning the state and
future of my country, and I shall die willingly for her, and even more
willingly to procure justice and tranquility for you all.”
Like an
echo from the first letter, Rizal wrote in the letter addressed to his
countrymen, “”I desire, furthermore, to let those who deny our patriotism,
see that we know how to die for our duty and for our convictions.
What matters death if one
dies for what he loves, for his motherland, and the beings he adores?”
However, there was a line in the second letter that is both curious and
revealing; he wrote, “I know that almost everybody is against it; but I
know also that almost nobody knows what is going on in my heart.” The
“it” refers to his decision to go back to the Philippines despite the
certainty that he will be arrested as soon as he arrives.
That
Rizal believed “almost nobody knows” what is in his heart should give
pause to those who claim they understand the man.
About
three weeks after he wrote those two letters, Rizal had his last interview
with Governor-General Eulogio Despujol who ordered him arrested and jailed
in Intramuros. Less
than a week later, on July 15, Rizal was aboard the S.S. Cebu on his way
to exile in Dapitan where he was to spend what he described as four very
happy years of his life. His exile did not mean isolation, far from it.
He had a constant flow
of guests, neighbours, pupils and patients needing treatment for eye
ailments. There was also Josephine Bracken, his dulce estrangera
(sweet foreigner), and members of his family who visited and stayed
for some days (even weeks maybe). In one of his letters to his good
friend, Ferdinand Blumentritt, Rizal described how he took short trips in
his baroto. He was in exile but he was neither alone nor denied
communication with the world outside Dapitan. Rizal was, in fact, quite
free. One might even venture to say that Rizal felt happy to be far from
the madding crowd. Thus, it is highly unlikely, as Pio Valenzuela’s
testimony would have us believe, that the first time Rizal heard of the
Katipunan was through his conversation with Valenzuela on June 21, 1896.
Knowing
his closeness to his brother Paciano who was an active member of the
Katipunan, we cannot discount the possibility that the two had talked
about the secret revolutionary society. Now, let us imagine what the
relationship between Rizal and Bonifacio could have been. Not even the
worst critic of Bonifacio can deny that “the great plebian” held Rizal in
highest esteem; the man was Bonifacio’s idol! Nothing could have
prevented Bonifacio from doing everything within his power to meet his
idol, talk with him, and even discuss the subject closest to their
hearts—the redemption of their beloved Inang Bayan (mother
country). It would have been unnatural if they did not meet. They must
have met, not just once or twice, but more likely, several times. From
1892 to the first cry of the Katipuneros at Balintawak in August 1896 are
four years during which the “money deposited by Rizal” in Hong Kong was
made accessible to Bonifacio.
Perhaps
we shall never know if and to what extent Rizal aided the Katipunan.
There are not enough documents that could provide sufficient evidence.
But there are Rizal’s two novels, his three long essays, his voluminous
correspondence, the kundimans (native love songs) he composed, and
last but not the least, the character of the man himself who had made it
his life’s goal to work for the freedom of his country.
There
are not enough documents because those brought forward, which could have
shed light on many unanswered questions, were censored or were discredited
as fake or figments of the imagination. One such document is the memoirs
of Gen. Artemio Ricarte, the only high-ranking Katipunan official who
refused to take the oath of allegiance to the American flag. Ricarte’s
memoirs, written in beautiful Tagalog prose, was published in Yokohama in
1927 with the title Himagsikan ng mga Pilipino Laban sa Kastila
(Revolt of the Filipinos Against the Spaniards). In his Preface to
Ricarte’s book, Austin Craig described how both the Filipino and the
American authorities confiscated Katipunan documents in the possession of
private persons and how then U.S. President William Howard Taft ordered
the destruction of the printing materials for the publication of
Apolinario Mabini’s account of the revolution and those collected by Capt.
John B.M. Taylor. The reason stated was that such documents would impinge,
even damage, the honor of persons still living. Although Craig did not
name Aguinaldo as among “those persons still living,” he made a wry
comment on the veracity of Aguinaldo’s short book titled True Version
of the Philippine Revolution. Craig wrote:
“Ang pagtatanggol ni
Aguinaldo ay lumabas sa Tanay na (Ulat Relacion verdadera) na napalathala
nang malaganap sa mga unang araw ng Republika Pilipina, lalo na sa Amerika.
Ito'y sinulat dahil sa magiging bisa sa politika, at ang sumulat noon kung
sa ngayon, ay di makapangangahas marahil na manindigan sa lahat ng kanyang
pinagsabi sa lathalang yaon.”
(English
translation) Aguinaldo’s arguments were published in the first days of the
Philippine Republic under American rule. This was written for political
effect and the one who wrote it therefore perhaps cannot take the risk of
standing by whatever he has written.
While we
cannot yet totally accept Ricarte’s memoirs as factual until his account
has been thoroughly compared with those written by his contemporaries, the
book is still worth reading because it is a valuable gem of Filipino
literature in Tagalog. Ricarte has that indefinable quality of perceiving
reality in varied tones and texture because of his keen sense of the comic
and the absurd. It is very tempting to discuss even a few of Ricarte’s
disclosures that directly counter what has been written on “1896”. Even
so, it should be mentioned now that Ricarte clarified what the Magdalo and
the Magdiwang actually were. Those were not factions of the Katipunan in
Cavite, with implications of internal strife and rivalry. They were
actually administrative units. Magdalo and Magdiwang were two of the
names assigned by the Katipunan to towns in Cavite which consisted of 22
towns, in the same way that a nom de guerre or “pamagat” (in
Ricarte’s Tagalog terminology) was assigned to Katipuneros for security
reasons. Here are several of the equivalents:
Spanish-given
Name Pamagat
Noveleta
Magdiwang
San Francisco de Malabon
Mapagtiis
Rosario
Salinas
Santa Cruz de Malabon
Pangwagi
Naic
Magwagi
Maragondon
Magtagumpay
Ternate
Katwatwa, (sa huli) Molukas
Indan
Walangtinag
Alfonso
Naghapay (kay Alfonso)
Cavite del Viejo
Magdalo (2)
Imus
Haligue (2)
Bacoor
Gargano (2)
Perez Dasmariñas
Magpuri(2)
Silang
Bagongsinag (2)
Amadeo
Maypagibig
As the
Katipunan grew in membership and more towns were captured from the
Spanish, Magdalo and Magdiwang became the Dalawang
Sangguniang-Lalawigan (Two Provincial Councils). The Magdalo
provincial council (at Kawit) held and administered the towns marked with
(2) while the Magdiwang (at Noveleta) held the rest of the “liberated”
towns. It is interesting to note that the administrative structure of the
Katipunan was patterned after principles of the La Liga Filipina.
While it may sound outrageous to suggest that the Katipunan was literally
the “military arm” of the La Liga Filipina, it may not be too
far-fetched, considering that many surviving patriots of “1896” wrote in
their memoirs that they were members of the La Liga Filipina but
not of the Katipunan. Although the Katipunan was “dissolved” when
Aguinaldo’s revolutionary movement was established, many patriots like
Mariano Alvarez and Julio Nakpil continued to refer to themselves as
Katipuneros and remained faithful to the ideals of Bonifacio and his
Katipunan ng mga Anak ng Bayan.
Tempting as it is to include here the juiciest morsels in Ricarte’s
memoirs, it would not do justice to that book which, I am convinced,
should have a high place in Philippine literature. The Ricarte memoirs
deserves an article all its own.
Posted by
Bulatlat
==============================
Appendix
(Copy
of the undated later of Bonifacio to Jacinto in tagalog version)
DON
EMILIO JACINTO PEDERNAL
PUNONG HUKBO SA HILAGA
MAHAL
KONG KAPATID:
Sumakamay kong lahat ang ipinadala mong sulat na kasama sampu ng salapi,
poder at salitre na lubos na ikinatuwa ng ating mga kapatid na tumitingin
ng utang na loob dahil sa iyong ipinadala na kailangan sa pakikilaban, at
gayon din naman ang sinasabi mong tulong na iyong naibigay.
Ang mga
sigalot na iyong binangit na nangyari sa Maynila dahil sa pamahayag ng mga
carabinero at mga ingeniero ay lubos na nakatulong sa mga kapatid natin
dito; gayun man ang ating mga kalaban ay hindi nabawasan at ang buong
bayan ay nasa panganib pang kasalukuyan, at ang ipinamamanhik namin na
huag kayong mag papabaya diyan at kami naman ay di magtutugot hangat hindi
namin naililigtas ang mga bayan na kanilang naagaw sa amin, katulad ng
iyong nalalaman na.
Kinakailangan ninyong malikon na lahat ang mga baril na nariyan
kasakdalang iyong bayaran, nguni't kinakailangang maguing aring tunay ng
samahan at ng magkaroon tayo ng tunay na hukbong panlaban. Kung maisagawa
ninyo ang bagay na ito ay maguiguing madali ang paglusob sa mga bayan;
pagtibayin natin ang ating mga tangulan at kuta doon sa isang paraan ika
paghihirap ng kalaban ang paglusob sa nasabing pook.
Kakailanganin ang pagsakop sa mga bayan sapagka't ang bagay na ito'y
magbibigay sa atin ng sapat na panahon na makapaghanda sa lalong ika
gagaling sa pagawa ng taguan ng mga armas na maguiguing laguing nakahanda
sa lahat ng pagkakataon; tangi pa sa magbibigay sa atin ng kalayaan sa
ating mga kaaway kundi magkakagayo'y malalaban tayo ng walang nakahandang
armas.
Gayun
din naman tumanggap ako ng sulat na nangaling sa ating kapatid na Mrgl.
Rogelio na doo'y humihingi ng mga kasangkapan at mga may sapat na kaalaman
na gumawa ng mga cartucho ng pulbura. Matagal ko ng nasa isip ang bagay na
ito kaya't aking ipinahanda ang mga kasangkapan at kasabay ang ipinadala
ko sa inyo riyan na mga mangagawa.
Dito'y
kapus kami ng mga cartucho sapagka't nabatid naman din na ito'y ating
nagagamit; kaya't kanilang ipadala sa amin. Tatangap kayo na kalakip nito
ng maraming cartucho na pagkaraan sa Nobeleta ay madaragdagan at
maguiguing 1,000 sa halip na 500.
Ang
ating mga kapatid dito ay nakatangap buhat sa "Hongkong" sa isang
"namatay" na M. Dimas Alang na ipinadala ng kaniyang pinsan na
naininirahan doon na nag pahayag ng pagdating ng dalawa nating sugo Jocson
at Alehandrino; at kanilang nagawa (ng dalawang ito) na makapagpakita ng
poder; at gayun din naman walang pitak na natangap doon na dahil dito'y
kanilang ginugol ang salaping nalalagak doon ni Rizal at humihingi tuloy
ng poder at salapi.
Ito'y
nakamangha sa mga kapatid ng Magdiwang sapagka't lahat ng kanilang hiningi
ay naipadala doon nguni't hindi nila malaman kung bakit ito'y hindi
sumapit sa kinauukulan. Sila'y nag hihinala ng pagkakaroon ng isang hiwaga
sa dako ng mga kapatid na taga Magdalo kundi man ng ating mga inutusan
doon; at dahil nga sa bagay na ito, ang mga kapatid na Magdiwang, kasama
ang atin doon ay siyang mag babayad ng lahat at hindi na nila
papakikialamin ang mga taga Magdiwang.
Ang
poder ay ipadadala ko upang malagdaan ninyo ng kapatid na Nakpil; ang
poder ay guinawa sa ngalan ng Komite na itinatag doon, kagaya ng hinihingi
sa sulat. At sa gayo'y labis ang aming pagasa na makakukuha ng armas sa
lalung madaling panahon; at ito'y inaasahan ng kababayang M. Pasiano sa
pinagkasunduang aahunan.
Ang mga
marunong mag-akma ng balatek na hinihingi mo ay naipatawag ko na sa
Marigondo'g nguni't hindi pa sila dumarating. Pag dating nila ay
papaparoonin ko sa iyo.
Sa una
kong sagot sa iyong sulat ay nakaligtaan ko ang itinatanong tungkol kay V.
Fernandez. Kagaya ng nalalama siya'y nakagawa ng malaking pagkakasala sa
mga kababayan, sa samahan at sa atin; kaya't ako'y umaasa na iuukol mo sa
kanya doon ang nararapat na kaparusahan. Inaakala kong siya'y taga subok
doon ng mga maingiting taga Magdalo, at ng maupatan diyan ating mga tao at
maipasok dito ang mga armas. Ng umalis dito ang isa M. Natibidad, na sa
akala ko ay tinungkulan una umupat sa sa mga tao ay dumating diyan at
kinailangan mag patuloy kayo na may kahinahunan at pakitungalian siya ng
naaayon sa utos ng katalinuhan.
Dito'y
lalong malaki ang pagkakaalit ng dalawang Sb sapagkat hinihiling ng mga
taga Magdalo ang mamanihala sa buong Katagalugan; wala silang sinasabi
kundi ang gobierno ng Imus na kinikilala doon at sa buong Europa man.
Yto'y
nangyari may tatlong araw na ang nakararaan sa naparoon sa Malabon na
kasama si P. Dandan na isa sa kanilang kasama.
Yto ang
pamahalaang kanilang itinatag dito: Pangulo at Pungong General "Magdalo";
Director ng Gawaing Militar "Baldomero" at ang sa Magdiwang ay maguiguing
Pangalawang Director o Pangalawang Ministro.
Ykinapuot ng Ministro ng Magdiwang ang balak na ito na nakikita sa
kanilang politica na kung napipili ang Imus sila'y namamahala dito sa
Malabo. Ang pagkagahaman ng Magdalo ay totoong nakasusuklam at naguing
dahilan ng maraming kabiguan.
Dito'y
may pagawaan ng armas at lalung mabubuting canonang niyayari kay sa kabila
na hindi nangangailangan ng lusawan; isang taga Maynila ang marunong
gumawa nito.Maghanap ka ng bronse diyan at kita'y padadalhan ng canon at
lantaka sa lalung madaling panahon.
Ang
iyong verso ay naisalin na ni Binong nguni't hindi pa nalilimbag dahil sa
kakulangan ng mga tipong Kastila. Hindi nailalabas ang zarsuela ni Nakpil
sapagka't hindi nagtingil ang labanan na hindi magbigay ng kapahingahan sa
amin.
Hindi
pa ako makababalik diyan sapagka't hinihintay ko ang pag dating ng ating
mga armas upang makuha ang ganang sa atin kahit iyon lamang na dinala dito
ni Luciano, na hindi naialis dito sapagka't ito'y kailangan.
Si
Luciano ay malakas na at maaari ng makalakad; nasa kaniya pang pag iingat
ang kaniyang armas at hindi ko kinukuha. Sa mga dala nito ay tatangapin mo
ang Mauser; ingatan mo sanang mabuti sapagka't ito ang unang armas na
ginamit natin sa pakikilaban.
Sampung
piso lamang ang naipadala sa iyong ina; ang nalalabi'y
ginamit sa pangangailangan dito. Kinakailangan padalhan mo pa ako upang
maibigay na gratificacion sa gumawa ng canon at iba pang mga kasangkapan
katulad ng busog at iba pa. Binayaran ko ang mga nagugol ng may dala nito
at ng mga pamilya ng mangagawa ng mga cartucho.
Tungkol
naman sa kapatid kong si Ciriaco, siya ang may dala ng lahat ng iyong
ipadadala dito at hindi siya maaaring umalis dito ngayon. Kung tungkol
naman sa aking sinomang mangahas na gumamit ng pangalan ko sa mga bagay na
labag sa mga kautusan, malaya kang lapatan siya ng kaukulang parusa.
Tungkol
naman sa kay Nonay na naririyan pa, hinihiling kong tingnan mo siyang
pansamantala. Hindi makabubuting paparituhin siya ngayon dito sapagka't
may panganib dito ngayon.
Ypinag
utos ang pagdakip kay Nicolas de Lara at ang nararapat na pagsisiyasat;
kailangang ipadala mo ang ulat ng mga tao na nakaaalam kung ano ang
nangyari sa salapi.
Tangapin mo ang magiliw na yakap ng iyong
ANDRES BONIFACIO
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