Is The Left Going Right?

For the second time, the Philippine Left is trying its luck in electoral politics, which it had shunned after a disastrous attempt in 1987. This time, however, it is more confident of winning, in spite of the problems with resources and all that.  And it is aided in no small measure by a public that has grown surprisingly supportive of the Left’s brand of “new politics.”

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A Surprisingly Weighty Endorsement From The Left

By ROWENA CARRANZA

What’s with the Left?

This question swirled in the minds of many Filipinos when the country’s mainstream Left, which had traditionally shunned elections, announced that it would participate in this year’s elections.  Bayan Muna (People First), a political party formed last year by Leftist organizations such as the Bagong Alyansang Makabayan, Kilusang Mayo Uno and Kilusang Magbubukid sa Pilipinas, is running in the party-list election, while some of its leaders, like Nathanael Santiago in Metro Manila and Alvin Luque in Davao City, are running for local posts.

Bayan Muna's brochure lists a 10-point program, foremost among them the arrest and prosecution of former President Joseph Estrada for his alleged crimes against the people; a P125 across the board wage increase for all workers and employees; land for landless peasants; and decent housing for the homeless poor.

Political analysts welcomed the Left's participation in elections. But some couldn’t help but wonder if a segment of the Left had finally decided to abandon armed struggle and embrace electoral politics.

Second Attempt

Bayan Muna is the mainstream Left's second attempt at forming a national political party. The first was the Partido ng Bayan (PnB), which joined the 1987 senatorial and local elections. It was the first election called under the Aquino government and PnB fielded eight senatorial candidates; they all lost.

The experience was traumatic for many of their leaders and members. The party's president, Rolando Olalia, who was also chairman of KMU, was assassinated by military extremists. There was massive cheating; many votes for PNB were not counted.

But Bayan Muna president Satur Ocampo also admitted that, at the time, the Left failed to unite all its forces.  There were some who wanted to simply use the elections to ventilate the Left's position on issues, while there were those who believed that it should get into it in order to win.

"We think it's about time (the Left joined the elections)," said Ocampo. And apparently, the objectives are clear to all its forces this time.  A Bayan Muna document states the following objectives in its participation in the elections: to win three seats in the Lower House through the party-list elections, explain to the people the basic problems of the country, and drumbeat Bayan Muna's nationalist aspirations.

By joining the elections, the Left is shifting from its previous attitude of simply criticizing and not fielding or endorsing any candidate. "Working within the system" to implement changes is apparently being given added weight as compared to its previous stance of trying to work mainly, if not only, from the outside.

For Ocampo and other Bayan Muna officials, entering the election fray is not abandoning its position critical of the present system. According to Ocampo, the electoral arena is an extension of the protest movement's arena of struggle and that it should not be left to the monopoly of traditional politicians.

Not A Piece Of Cake

But this early in the game, Bayan Muna is learning that waging an electoral campaign is not child's play.  Tito Ragragio, Bayan Muna deputy secretary general, revealed how problems of resources are preventing the neophyte party from engaging in a more active campaign.

Its national headquarters is a modest three-bedroom affair in Teacher's Village, Quezon City. "We wanted to get an office in an area visible to the public, say Edsa or any major thoroughfare. But the lease is exorbitant," said one of its staff. The party in fact still has to buy (or borrow) a fax machine; it uses the fax machine in other "friendly" offices for its press releases.

Visitors stream in and out.  Many are volunteers from different Bayan Muna chapters or its allied organizations, arranging schedules with party nominees or picking up campaign materials. The latter are carefully counted and divided, mindful of its limited number.

Most of its staff are unpaid volunteers - among them a student from University of the Philippines, a former Light Rail Transit worker, a Miriam College teacher, a human-rights activist and a health worker.

Unlike major political parties, which have several personalities to campaign for them (not to mention famous wives), Bayan Muna relies on its mass leaders to campaign. They focus on issues, explaining Bayan Muna's brand of new politics.

Greenhorn's Chances

Despite its limitations, Bayan Muna has several advantages over other party-list groups.  It has a national network of organizations crucial to waging a nationwide campaign.  Its strength in waging nationally coordinated protest campaigns, if efficiently transformed, can turn out to be potent in the electoral campaign. And if its members pour the same intensity and passion they gave to their campaign to oust former President Estrada, then Bayan Muna has a fighting chance.

The Left's decades of relentless campaigns for higher wages, decent housing, land to till and human rights have given it a scrupulous and unwavering image. Its active and prominent role in People Power II has made it more acceptable among the middle class.

In a nationwide survey of 1,200 voters by Pulse Asia from February 3-5, 2001, Bayan Muna came out with a surprisingly high 76 percent public-awareness rating.

Another surprise was the response to the question: "Kung sakali pong ang mga sumusunod na grupo ay hayagang sumuporta ng isang kandidato para sa pagka-senador sa eleksyon ng Mayo 2001, malamang po ba  na inyong iboboto ang kanilang kandidato, hindi iboboto and kanilang kandidato o walang magiging epekto sa inyong boto ang kanilang pagsuporta sa isang kandidato?" (If the following groups would publicly endorse a candidate for senator in the May 2001 elections, would you vote for their candidate, not vote for their candidate or would their support not have an effect on your vote?)

The question was posed to test the endorsement effects of seven national groups on Filipinos nationwide. Bayan Muna came out ahead, being the only one with a high plurality of 43 percent.  This means that the respondents would vote for any candidate Bayan Muna endorses. 

According to Pulse Asia's Felipe Miranda, political endorsements traditionally have failed to affect voters' choices. Surveys made in the past 15 yeas showed how the majority always said they would not be influenced by anyone's public endorsement.

This view, said Miranda, might be beginning to change.  "Despite of, or because of, its left to left-of-center activist image, Bayan Muna had evoked much public awareness and a strongly sympathetic public assessment of the group has emerged," Miranda wrote in his column in the Philippine Star. (Click here to read the column.)

Bayan Muna scored higher endorsement effects than other groups such as Akbayan (31 percent), Makati Business Club (31 percent) and Kompil II (27 percent).

Even before the report came out, various senatorial and congressional candidates have already been seeking the endorsement of Bayan Muna.  The group, however, is taking its time choosing who to endorse, drawing up a list of criteria.  On top of the list is the candidate's position on basic issues. 

(Next: The Candidates Bayan Muna Is Endorsing)  

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