Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Issue No. 21 July 8-14, 2001 Quezon City, Philippines |
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Bohol’s
‘War Of The Flea’ Bohol
Province. The mere mention of the place stirs an image of the palm-size
Philippine tarsier clinging on twigs, wide-eyed as you click your portable
camera. Or perhaps, the splendor of the thousand or so hillocks seasonally
changing from green to yellowish brown would captivate your imagination and
summon your Muses as you wax poetic. Those giant mounds called Chocolate
Hills—supposedly once home to colossal ants, as tall as one could ever
imagine—have attracted nature aficionados to the province. Yet behind
Bohol’s magnificence is a seething social volcano—of peasants and the
unlettered taking up arms against the government. BY
BONN AURE The
proverbial hinterlands of Bohol—once the abode of Filipino revolutionary
Francisco Dagohoy—again teem with guerilla activity. In a recent National
Economic Development Authority (NEDA) Central Visayas Regional Report, the
government identified Bohol as the prime hotbed of the communist insurgency in
the region. NEDA’s conservative estimates say Bohol hosts some
313 Marxist guerillas, followed by Negros Oriental with 78 and Cebu with 70 in
1999. In the same year, 410 barangays were “threatened by insurgency”
region-wide. Since
then, however, the New People’s Army (NPA) has grown both in armed strength
and in the breadth and depth of its mass base. Armed
Forces officials admit that Bohol guerillas have expanded their base of
operations. They named Carmen, Catigbian, Clarin, Corella, Danao, Guindulman,
Inabanga, Mabini, Sikatuna, Sierra-Bullones, Sevilla, Candijay, Bilar, Batuan,
Alicia, Pilar, Anda, Sagbayan, Antequera, San Isidro, and Balilihan as the towns
with—or potentially with—revolutionary base areas. Add to the list Talibon, the site of the latest government offensive against CPP-NPA guerillas,
which reportedly left six guerillas dead. Without
a single shot Bohol
as a turf of active NPA operations stepped into the limelight on June 11, 1999 when the
people’s army’s Chocolate Hills Command raided the headquarters of the 7th
Philippine National Police (PNP) Regional Mobile Group Combat Support Company (RMG-CSC)
in Brgy. Rizal, Batuan. Without firing a shot, the raiders seized 80 high-calibre
firearms, including an M60 assault machine gun. In response, the government
deployed hundreds of AFP and PNP troops to Bohol. The
following September, Task Group Bohol was set up under Col. Gilbert Cayton
combining all the available counter-insurgency operatives. A battalion of the
Army’s Special Forces unit was pulled out of Basilan to augment the government
forces on the island province despite the increase in the terroristic activities
there of the Abu Sayyaf. After
replacing
deposed president Joseph Estrada, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo pledged to change her
predecessor’s “total war” policy with more peace efforts. Whether this
shift in government policy to rebellion has made a difference in the provinces is yet
to be seen, however. Definitely not on Bohol island though where, farmers say,
every goat path is marked with military boot prints. The
large concentration of government forces apparently has not stemmed the NPA's
expansion in the province. If Silvino Clamucha, spokesman of the NPA Central
Visayas region, is to be believed, the Red army has instead expanded “step by
step” and has “regained initiative and freedom of movement paving the way
for the...development of the armed struggle, the implementation of the
revolutionary land reform, and mass base building.” ‘Needle
in a haystack’ Even
the PNP and AFP admit that hot pursuit operations have gone awry due to the mass
support enjoyed by the guerillas. As one AFP officer remarked, finding the NPA is
"not as simple as looking for a needle in a haystack." The people,
particularly the peasants, are the real forest where guerillas hide, recover,
muster strength, and launch attacks, the NPA spokesman said. Government’s
spy machinery in the rural areas–the Barangay Intelligence Network (BIN)–has been rendered useless, Clamucha said. Many BIN informers have been persuaded
not to take their work seriously “without firing a single shot,” he said. A
few diehards though were singled out for punitive actions. In
Bohol, government’s “total approach” to the insurgency problem appears to
be a total failure. Although it considers poverty as the prime recruiter of the
guerilla movement, the approach is still steeped in the hawkish policy of
“pinning down the enemy.” Former Defense Secretary Eduardo Ermita even
lauded the previous strategy called Oplan Lambat-Bitag, which he said
“effectively combat the insurgents’ manpower and firepower surge, bringing
down the rebel’s strength to below 6,000 level in 1995-96.” Rectification Yet,
many years back observers said the guerilla
movement was on the verge of collapse. Its apparent
comeback is the result of a rectification campaign, a “back-to-the-basics”
program which was waged in the early 1990s to weed out ideological misfits and
to reaffirm the principle of protracted struggle. To
date, the Philippines is the only country in Asia confronted with a resurging
and vibrant revolutionary movement. In the era of Pax Americana, armed
struggle retains its appeal particularly among the poor Filipinos. Robert
Taber, author of War of the Flea, aptly describes the Philippine
situation: "People whose only contact with the government comes in the form
of bullets and rocket attacks can scarcely be expected to feel sympathetic to
the government's cause, whatever it may be. On the other hand, they have every
reason to feel solidarity with the guerillas usually recruited from their
villages, who share their peril and their hardships." Bulatlat.com
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