Analysis
A Test
for Democracy
The Arroyo administration has
a recipe for dictatorship – calibrated pre-emptive response, Executive
Order No. 464, the proposed amendments to the 1987 Constitution and the
Anti-Terrorism Bill pending before Congress. Proclamation No. 1017 was a
test case. The declaration of the state of emergency shows what President
Arroyo is capable of.
BY BENJIE OLIVEROS
Bulatlat
|
LAWYERS VS. LAWMEN:
Members of the newly-formed
Concerned Lawyers for Civil
Liberties (CLCL) struggle with
police attempting to disperse
them at the EDSA Shrine, March 3
PHOTO BY AUBREY MAKILAN |
When
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo issued Proclamation No. 1017 placing the
country under a “state of national emergency,” she drew a lot of flak from
different sectors of society. Some called it an act of desperation
to silence her critics. Others called it an act of betrayal to the
spirit of EDSA coming as it is on the 20th commemoration of
People Power 1, when the Filipino people toppled a dictatorship. It
has been also called an attempt to impose martial law once more.
Proclamation No. 1017 itself was vague. Lawyers said it was merely a
description of a situation. It referred to a conspiracy of “some
elements of the political opposition with the extreme left, represented by
the NDF-CPP-NPA and the extreme right, represented by the military
adventurists,” who seek to bring down the government…is
hindering the growth of the economy and
sabotaging the people's confidence in government and their faith in the
future of this country.” It also mentioned that “the claims of these
elements have been recklessly magnified by certain segments of the
national media.” It ended with President Arroyo calling on the Armed
Forces of the
Philippines “to
maintain law and order throughout the Philippines, prevent or suppress all
forms of lawless violence as well any act of insurrection or rebellion and
to enforce obedience to all the laws and to all decrees, orders and
regulations promulgated by (Arroyo) personally or upon (her) direction.”
Even as
the government was hard put at explaining that it merely intended to save
the republic from the “unholy alliance” of the left and the right, nobody
seemed to believe it. The Arroyo administration immediately cancelled all
EDSA celebrations and rally permits issued for February 24. Consequently,
it attempted to disperse all rallies on that day even if these were
conducted peacefully.
To lend
credence to the administration’s claims, it immediately arrested former
Philippine Constabulary Chief Ramon Montaño and Anakpawis (Toiling Masses)
Party-list Rep. Crispin Beltran. It also tried to arrest Bayan Muna
(People First) Rep. Satur Ocampo, Teddy Casino and Joel Virador; Anakpawis
Representative Rafael Mariano and Gabriela Women’s Party Rep. Liza Maza
who are all now under the “protective custody” (read: detention) of the
House of Representatives.
The
Philippine National Police (PNP) raided the printing press and office of
the The Daily Tribune and stationed soldiers to guard Channels 2
and 7.
Subsequently, it filed a case of rebellion against 15 people including
those mentioned above, Magdalo officers, and other personalities
associated with Bayan Muna. It came out with a list of 50 persons it
accused of being connected with the CPP-NPA-NDFP with pending arrest
warrants.
PNP
Director General Arturo Lomibao also issued a warning against media
agencies to abide by a set of guidelines to be issued by the PNP. He
warned that the police would be monitoring media broadcast and
publications and would not hesitate to take over media agencies that
violate these guidelines.
The
selection of targets of the Arroyo administration revealed its intention
to silence its most consistent critics. The legal left proves to be a
thorn on the side of the administration. But its proposition that the
legal and underground left are the same is both absurd and dangerous.
This is the very reason for the killing of leaders and members of
progressive party-list groups in areas outside the National Capital Region
(NCR).
The
legal left was a convenient scapegoat, a warning sample and a test case.
With the arrest of individuals identified with the left, the Arroyo
administration thought that it had proven its conspiracy theory; and it
had sent a signal to its critics that it would not tolerate dissent.
The
Arroyo administration tried to gauge the reaction of the public to these
arrests. It did not arrest former President Cory Aquino, although it
warned that it would arrest her if she joined the rally last February 24.
It also did not arrest former Vice-President Teofisto Guingona and other
personalities of the opposition for it would have projected an image that
it was similar to the Marcos dictatorship, which might not sit well with
the general public.
The case
of The Daily Tribune was likewise the same. It served as a warning
sample and a test case. There were also reports that all television
programs of Bro. Eddie Villanueva of Bangon (Rise up) and the
award-winning radio program Ngayon Na, Bayan! (Now, People!) of
Kodao Productions were taken off the air. It did not raid the big ones
such as the Philippine Daily Inquirer. It also did not close down
all media agencies like Marcos did since doing so could backfire on the
Arroyo administration.
But the
manner by which the raids and arrests were made indicated that the Arroyo
administration is capable of running roughshod over civil liberties and
the people’s rights. Although there was no suspension of the writ of
habeas corpus, the arrests were made on the basis of old or trumped-up
cases. New charges of sedition and rebellion were subsequently filed in
court. But these did not pass the proper procedure of preliminary
investigation to determine probable cause. It was a case of “arrest
first, seek evidence later.”
The
Arroyo administration has lifted the state of national emergency a week
after declaring it. The business community and foreign investors,
including the American Chamber of Commerce, were persistent in their call
for its lifting saying that the proclamation is bad for business.
Likewise, Proclamation No. 1017 generated protests from a broad sector of
people, including those in government such as the Senate and its
employees.
However,
the Arroyo administration, through Department of Justice (DOJ) Secretary
Raul Gonzales, announced that the guidelines for media coverage will still
be enforced and that they will continue monitoring the media. It is
preparing charges of inciting to sedition against Tribune publisher Niñez
Cacho-Olivares and columnists Ike Señeres and Herman Tiu-Laurel.
Also, it
had already made a mockery of the justice system by its policy of “arrest
first, seek evidence later”. It is expected that the government will still
use this illegal method as Executive Secretary Eduardo Ermita admitted
that the “crackdown” on government opponents and critics will continue
even after the lifting of Proclamation No. 1017.
It has
its calibrated pre-emptive response and Executive Order No. 464 in place.
Its proposed amendments to the 1987 Constitution and its Anti-Terrorism
Bill pending before Congress will further constrict civil liberties and
people’s rights. Its recipe for a dictatorship is ready and the
mechanisms are being put in place.
The only
obstacle to the Arroyo administration’s plans of imposing its will is the
people’s dissent. Proclamation No. 1017 could have been harsher, been
imposed longer, and it could have been a formal declaration of martial law
had the Arroyo administration not fear the people’s reaction. The Arroyo
administration was right to hesitate.
The
initial reaction of the different groups holding a rally when Proclamation
No. 1017 was announced was not to call off its activities but to assert
the freedom of assembly by converging at Ayala.
The
reaction of the party-list representatives being hunted down by government
was not to go into hiding but to assert their rights.
The raid
at The Daily Tribune and the warnings of the PNP did not deter
media from doing its coverage. Media people gathered at Newsdesk Café on
February 26 to render a collective voice against these attacks on press
freedom.
Proclamation No. 1017 was not able to successfully generate a “chilling
effect” as intended by the government. Rather it galvanized the people
into action.
In this
respect, People Power 1 or EDSA 1 was not a total failure. The militant
reactions to Proclamation No. 1017 and the collective shouts of “Never
Again to Martial Law” manifested the most valuable lesson and gain of
People Power 1.
But all
freedom-loving Filipinos must not stop even as Proclamation No. 1017 was
lifted.
The
declaration of the state of emergency shows what President Arroyo is
capable of. Currently, its spin doctors are continuously raising the coup
bogey and it warned that it may again declare a state of national
emergency anytime.
To
confront this continuing challenge to civil liberties and people’s rights,
freedom-loving Filipinos must be able to collectively show its will and
muster its capabilities to fight for democracy and effect genuine change.
Bulatlat
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