This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. VI, No. 51, Jan. 28-Feb. 3, 2007
The Cold War period,
1947-1991, saw the assertion of U.S. imperialism’s economic and military
hegemony in East Asia and the rest of Asia Pacific in its bid to develop an
unhampered access into the vast region’s resources and subject it under a new
global economy headed by the U.S. U.S. imperialism was constrained, however, by
the emergence of China as a socialist power and the Soviet Union’s early
attempts to check U.S. imperialist inroads into the region. U.S. imperialism,
along with British and French imperialism, tried to construct a system of
neo-colonialism as colonized countries struggled for independence and
self-determination, giving rise to three major wars: the Chinese liberation
struggle that ended in independence in 1949 and the defeat of the U.S.-backed
Kuomintang forces; the Korean War, which resulted in a stalemate in 1953 between
the U.S.-backed South Korea and the Chinese-backed North Korea; and the Vietnam
War, that ended in a humiliating defeat of the U.S.-South Vietnam forces in 1975
by the Vietnamese liberation forces. Japan, meantime, rose from the second world
war as the U.S.’ junior imperialist partner in East Asia and as its conduit in
asserting U.S. economic hegemony in this region. The transformation of China
after the death of Mao Ze-dong into a market economy and the abandonment of
socialist-internationalist principles in 1978, followed by the collapse of
Soviet revisionism in 1990, gave U.S. imperialism a free rein in economic
hegemonism and militarism in East Asia, ideologically-promoted no less by its
“anti-terrorism” rhetoric. Rightist and neo-conservative ideologues in the U.S.
are using the jingoist rhetoric of Chinese economic and military power ambitions
to fuel current contradictions between the two countries. This essential
carry-over of Cold War belligerency by the U.S. and Japan is also fueling
secondary contradictions involving North Korea, South Korea, Taiwan and other
countries in the region. I. Brief Historical
Overview Related to the Current Major Contradictions A great part of the world’s
economic, political and military tensions today insofar as these involve the
major power contenders centers on East Asia. U.S. imperialism has established
its foothold here for more than a century and, since the collapse of Soviet
socialist revisionism in the late 1980s and the transformation of China from a
socialist into a market-oriented, pro-globalization economy in 1979, its
hegemony has remained uncontested. Some of the major flashpoints here – such as
the Korean Peninsula (North Korea vs the U.S., North Korea vs Japan, North Korea
vs South Korea), the continuing frictions springing from China’s irredentist
claim over Taiwan, the territorial claims on the Spratly islands and others –
draw the intense involvement of the United States, China, Japan and even Russia.
The world’s so-called 9-member nuclear club has two countries coming from this
region – China and North Korea; or six, if the United States and Russia,
traditional geopolitical and geoeconomic stakeholders here, as well as India and
Pakistan from South Asia, are included. The political-economic and military
fault lines in the region affect other parts of the world – or are symptoms of
the ongoing crisis of global capitalism. What gives this region a
historical distinction is that: First, it is one region that has undergone long
colonialism and imperialist aggression – more than five centuries. Second, it
has also suffered many wars or armed conflicts during such period, owing to
trade rivalries and scramble for colonies and spheres of influences between
European, U.S. and Japanese colonial powers as a result of which vast
populations in this region died. It is in this region where the first-ever
atomic bombings took place – in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Japan in August 1945.
Third, this is one region that affected the rise and fall of European empires
and the Japanese empire, to be replaced in an all-sided way by the American
Empire. In the region, despite
their points of convergence the U.S. imperialism and China represent the major
contradiction, with the latter often seen – to a fault - as a rising economic
and military power. Their contradiction centers on trade disputes but the U.S.,
as promoted by neo-conservative policy makers and defense authorities, is also
engaged in a military brinkmanship with China. Over the past 60 years and
especially most recently, the U.S. has been encircling China militarily in order
to prevent it from being a military power that, it claims, would challenge the
U.S. military preeminence which has been traditionally securing the region and
the rest of Asia and Pacific as an exclusive domain of U.S. imperialism. Other
thorns in U.S.-China relations are the Taiwan issue and Beijing’s perceived
military build-up. China desires to regain its sovereignty over Taiwan –
especially because of the latter’s goal to declare its own independence - but is
constrained by U.S. economic and military support for the Taipei government. Next to this is the
immediate flashpoint in East Asia today – between the U.S. and North Korea. This
contradiction, which takes its roots in the Korean War of the early 1950s, draws
also the involvement of Japan and South Korea (due to its being a Cold War and
post-Cold War ally of the U.S.), on the side of the U.S., and China and Russia,
on the side of North Korea. For more than 50 years, socialist North Korea has
been threatened with a “rogue regime” change highlighted by brutal economic and
military sanctions by the U.S. but the latter has failed to force this socialist
country to its knees owing to Pyongyang’s strong intransigence and the Korean
people’s resistance and adherence to self-reliance and independence as well as
the economic and diplomatic support extended by China and Russia. Yet another contradiction
is between the U.S. and Japan itself, given the increase in trade frictions
between these two traditional allies. The contradiction between China and Japan
especially over Taiwan, the East China Sea gas resources and other territorial
disputes is heating up, with each country now deploying naval forces. All these contradictions
are not confined to the main protagonists only but have wide-ranging impacts not
only in the region but also throughout the world. Economic globalization and the
intensification of U.S. imperialist militarism and wars of aggression in the
guise of “counter-terrorism” have the effect of intensifying these
contradictions, thus making the whole region replete with potential major
confrontations, civil wars and other armed conflicts. It is a tragic legacy of
long western colonialism and modern imperialism that a large part of what is
traditionally called Far East including South Asia and Southeast Asia remains in
the developing stage even as major capitalist countries led by the U.S., Japan
and even the EU countries still treat this region as a neo-colonial enclave.
U.S. and Japanese imperialism, whether in collaboration or separately, generate
the main contradictions in the region and consigns other countries to a
neo-colonial relationship and underdevelopment often aggravated by civil wars
and armed conflicts. A brief historical overview
will help amplify this. Before modern imperialism
of the late 19th century led to the ascendance of U.S. imperialist hegemony in
East Asia and the rest of Asia Pacific, most countries in the region were
subjugated for nearly four centuries or shorter by various European powers
placing these to be under an exploitative and oppressive, European-dominated
mercantilist colonial system and later under a modern world capitalist economy.
From the late 15th century to 19th century, European colonialists engaged in
intense competition in the region marked by bloody inter-European wars for raw
materials, trade, spheres of influence, colonial territories and military
outposts. Among these colonialist
powers, Portugal was the first to establish trade monopoly between Asia and
Europe by preventing rival powers from using sea routes between Europe and the
Indian Ocean in the 16th century. The following century, Portugal gradually lost
its maritime supremacy as the Dutch East India Company established independent
bases in the East and later seized Malacca, Ceylon (now Sri Lanka), most
southern Indian ports and Japan from the Portuguese. The English rivaled the
Dutch in a global struggle over empire in Asia that lasted until the end of the
Seven Years’ War in 1763. After the Seven Years’ War, the British eliminated
French influence in India and established the British East India Company on the
Indian subcontinent. The Industrial Revolution
in the mid- to -late 19th century increased European demand for Asian raw
materials and the severe Long Depression of the 1870s provoked a scramble for
new markets for European industrial products and financial services in Asia and
other continents. Except for some countries in Southeast Asia that came under
colonial rule from the 16th to mid-19th century, the onset
of modern imperialism generally saw a shift in focus of imperialist objectives
in this vast region from just merely trade and indirect rule to formal colonial
control of vast overseas territories, particularly South Asia. These areas came
under the rule of European imperialist countries particularly Great Britain,
France and The Netherlands. Emerging as new imperialist powers in East Asia and
in the Pacific were Japan, following the Meiji Restoration; Germany, following
the Franco-Prussian War in 1871; Tsarist Russia; and the United States,
following the Spanish-American War in 1898. Meantime, French
imperialism spread through trade exploration, the establishment of protectorates
and outright annexations. It established French supremacy in wide swathes of
Southeast Asia by seizing the three provinces of Cochin China or the
southernmost region of Vietnam, capturing Hanoi after a war with China and
securing trade and religious privileges in the rest of Vietnam. By the beginning
of the 20th century, France had created an empire in Indochina whose area was
nearly 50 percent larger than France itself. Unlike the traditional
European colonial powers such as Great Britain, France or The Netherlands,
Tsarist Russia, a landlocked country, expanded from the center outward by a
process of accretion in its drive for access to warm water ports. Thus while the
British were consolidating their hold on the Indian subcontinent, Russian
expansion had moved eastward to the Pacific, then toward the Middle East, and
finally to the frontiers of Persia and Afghanistan. China’s
imperial history had several dynasties ruling and expanding its territory with
the Qin Dynasty establishing the first Chinese empire from 221–207 BC. The Qing
dynasty (1644-1911), established by the Manchus, was the last imperial dynasty
that ruled China which also was said to have expanded into Central Asia. In the
19th century, military campaigns, corruption, population pressures
and disasters leading to the Opium Wars (1839-1842, 1856-1860) and the Taiping
and Nian rebellions ended the dynasty and the abdication of the last emperor in
1912. Internal weaknesses left
China vulnerable to European including Russian, Japanese and U.S. imperialism,
thereby leading it to suffer one of the most oppressive and humiliating colonial
occupations in the world. From 1839 until 1900, China suffered defeats in wars
with Great Britain and Japan forcing it to accede to treaties that led to its
dismemberment and economic vassalage by European, Japanese and American
imperialists. The Treaty of Nanjing (1842) and the Bogue (1843), forced China to
cede Hong Kong to Great Britain and opened Shanghai and Guangzhou (Canton),
Xiamen (Amoy), Fuzhou (Foochow), and Ningbo (Ningpo) ports to British trade and
residence with extraterritoriality, that is, the right to try British citizens
in China in British courts, and to promise to conduct foreign relations on the
basis of equality. The other Western powers soon received similar privileges.
The 1858 Treaty of Tientsin opened 11more ports to European trade, allowed
foreign envoys to reside in Beijing, admitted missionaries to China, legalized
the importation of opium, and permitted foreigners to travel in the Chinese
interior. The United States and Russia later obtained the same rights in
separate treaties. These treaties gave the foreign colonialists
extraterritoriality, customs regulation and the right to station foreign
warships in Chinese waters. Following its defeat by
Japan in a war, China signed the Treaty of Shimonoseki in 1895 giving up its
suzerain rights over Korea and Taiwan to the Japanese imperialists and to allow
the European powers and Japan to secure concessions. So weak was China at this
time that two years later Germany demanded and was given exclusive mining and
railroad rights in Shandong province. Russia did the same and obtained access to
Dairen and Port Arthur and the right to build a railroad across Manchuria,
allowing it to dominate a large part of northwestern China. Great Britain and
France also obtained a number of concessions. At this stage, China was divided
up into “spheres of influence”: Germany dominated Jiaozhou Bay, Shandong, and
the Huang He valley; Russia controlled the Liaodong Peninsula and Manchuria;
Great Britain dominated Weihaiwei and the Yangtze Valley; and France dominated
the Guangzhou Bay and several other southern provinces. Not to be left out, the
U.S. in 1900 forced many of the colonial powers to support its “Open Door”
policy, providing for freedom of commercial access and non-annexation of Chinese
territory. It was only toward the end
of the 19th century when the U.S., egged on by a rising corporate elite and
finance oligarchy in their quest for trade expansion and access to raw materials
for their industries, set its eyes on East Asia and the rest of Asia and the
Pacific. Echoing the Monroe Doctrine that established U.S. hegemony in South
America in the early 19th century, a call was raised for the U.S. to fulfill its
"Manifest Destiny" across the Pacific. American journalist W.T. Stead called for
"the Americanization of the world." As it became part of the inter-imperialist
rivalry and consequent redivision of the world, the U.S. began to build up its
sea power, with its own naval expenditures increasing from $22 million in 1890
or 6.9 percent of the total federal budget to $139 million in 1914 or 19
percent. The expansion began in 1867 with the occupation of Midway Islands and
the purchase of Alaska from Russia. Next, it consolidated its control over
Hawaii islands at the expense of European plantation companies through
annexation in 1898 but not after the U.S. Marines engineered a “revolt” that
deposed the Hawaiian queen and set up a puppet regime. Using treachery and the
Treaty of Paris, the U.S. annexed the Philippines and Guam from Spain in 1898
while, almost at the same time, taking control of Puerto Rico and Cuba in the
Caribbean as well as the small Pacific outpost of Wake Island. The economic depression of
the 1890s followed by World War I led to the weakening of some empires in Europe
with repercussions in East Asia and the rest of the world, showing how wars –
particularly major wars – would strike at the heart of imperialism and cause
major changes in the power equation. Germany lost all of its colonies in Asia:
German New Guinea (a part of Papua New Guinea) which became administered by
Australia; its possessions in China, including Qingdao, which were ceded to
Japan with the support of the U.S. and UK. Japan had earlier become an
international power with its seizure of Korea and Taiwan toward the end of the
19th century and, following its spectacular defeat of Russia in 1905, took
control of southern Sakhalin Island, the Liaodong Peninsula with Port Arthur and
extensive rights in Manchuria. In 1931, the Japanese
military units based in Manchuria seized control of the region leading to a
full-scale war with China in 1937 and drawing Japan toward an overambitious bid
for Asian hegemony (Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere). The rise of
Japanese imperialism and its invasion and occupation of large portions of
Eastern China and British, French, Dutch and U.S. territories in Southeast Asia
shattered the preeminence of European and U.S. hegemony in South Asia and
Southeast Asia. Japan, however, ended up defeated during World War II with the
heroic guerilla war waged by various nationalist and socialist-led forces in
these areas playing a decisive role. To prevent the USSR, an ally during the
war, from marching onward to Japan, the U.S. dropped two atomic bombs on
Hiroshima and Nagasaki in August 1945 resulting in the death of more than
200,000 Japanese civilians. The bombings, which were actually aimed at
pre-empting the entry of troops from the Soviet Union that had earlier declared
war against Japan, expedited the unconditional surrender of Japan to the U.S.
and its occupation by American forces. As a result, Japan lost all its overseas
territories after this war. The defeat of Japan and the
weakening of the various western powers in East Asia emboldened patriotic and
national liberation movements in the region particularly in Indochina and the
rest of Southeast Asia and South Asia, to call for an end to foreign
colonialism. The recalcitrance of the imperialist powers precipitated civil wars
while in some countries independence would be handed over but only after the
imperialist rulers forced the signing of treaties establishing a post-war
neo-colonial relationship. De-colonization, just the
same, was a slow process in some colonial territories. Portugal still clung to
Macau and settled a new colony in Timor Island. Only in the 1960s and 1990s did
Portugal begin to relinquish its colonies in Asia. Goa was invaded by India in
1962 while East Timor was abandoned in 1975 only to be invaded by Indonesia with
the support of the U.S. Macau was returned to China in 1999. Two years before
that, the UK handed Hong Kong back to China. The second world war
effectively caused the decline of western European imperialism after it was
devastated by the war, aggravated by an economic crisis and the rise of
independence and socialist struggles at home. However, the European and Japanese
imperialists’ loss was U.S. imperialism’s gain as it became more assertive of
its hegemonic ambition. Using Cold War rhetoric and the pretext of containing
the spread of Soviet-inspired communism throughout the world, U.S. imperialism
intervened in three major wars in East Asia right after World War II: in China
during the late 1940s; Korea during the 1940s-early 1950s; and Indochina, from
the mid-1950s to 1975. U.S. imperialism, however, suffered major defeats in
China, with the victory of the Chinese liberation struggle in 1949, and in
Indochina following its retreat in 1975. It could only muster a stalemate in the
Korean War after it failed to force North Korea to its knees ending with the
signing of an armistice treaty at Panmunjon in 1953. Technically, the war
remained unsettled. Note, however, that in
these three major wars as well as in other civil wars and rebellions in the
region, including the Philippines, U.S. imperialism was for a long period backed
by its allies in Europe and Asia most especially the UK, France, Australia, New
Zealand, Japan, South Korea as well as Thailand, the Philippines, Pakistan and
Indonesia through direct military intervention, aid and diplomacy. Support by
allied or vassal states for the U.S. wars of aggression and intervention in East
Asia was secured through defense treaties and military access agreements in
exchange for trade and financial agreements, economic assistance as well as
propping up dictatorships such as in the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan,
Thailand and Indonesia. It was clear that even
after the end of the second world war and until today, East Asia remained
embedded in a world of economic, financial, and military system in which the
imperialist powers compete for hegemony and influence.
Bulatlat *This is part of a paper
discussed by the author at the conference of the International League of
Peoples’ Struggles in East Asia and Oceania on Dec. 11, 2006. It will also be
part of a forthcoming book on East Asia today.
U.S.
and China: Harmony Today, Confrontation Tomorrow?
The
Korean Peninsula: U.S. Military Aggression and Pyongyang’s Response
China vs
Japan: FTAs, Oil and Taiwan © 2007 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.
Hegemony or Cooperation: Major
Contradictions in East Asia Today*
First of four parts
Developing vibrant trade and investment ties with countries in
Southeast Asia would open prospects for China to use this new economic
relationship particularly with the U.S.’ military allies as a means of scaling
down their security commitments with the U.S. that include the military
encirclement of China.
BY BOBBY TUAZON
Bulatlat
Second of four parts
Third of four parts
Last of four parts