World Media:
Bush Inaugural a Jolt
By Jim Bencivenga
The Christian Science Monitor
Emphasis on
freedom still takes unilateral road alienating foreign press.
Presidential
inauguration speeches, especially in time of war, spark intense personal
and political passions. The press is not immune to this tendency. But the
press has an outlet in editorials, commentaries, and individual columns.
Prior to Pres. George
Bush's speech, the world was keen to see whether the American president
intended to go ahead with a unilateral or multilateral road in foreign
policy.
So when Mr. Bush made
it clear on Thursday that he was not about to "turn back from his doctrine
of taking pre-emptive action, in the interests of American security (or,
as he would put it, American freedom)" as the BBC characterized his
speech, there was little room for noted British understatement in the
headline of the Beeb's stellar roundup - "World press electrified by Bush
vision."
'Hold on to your
hats, this may be the most ambitious presidency ever.' That's the message
from one Israeli paper [Haaretz] after President George W. Bush's
inauguration - a message echoed across the world's press.
For China's press his
speech raises the question whether Washington will head further down a
'unilateral' path in foreign relations.
One Polish paper
heralds the speech as the dawn of a conservative revolution, while in
Germany and Turkey there's a bleak forecast for the new Bush era.
Perhaps, the most
telling phrase by Bush was: "The survival of liberty in our land
increasingly depends on the success of liberty in other lands."
Kenya's Nation, and
Ireland's Irish Independent bookend the range of international response to
the specific theme of American liberty gone global.
Bush's speech focused
on the 'power of freedom', saying that the best hope for peace in our
world is the expansion of freedom in all the world. On that, not many
people will disagree. The differences are over what he understands by
'freedom' and how the benefits of democracy should be spread in the world
- or indeed whether it is any country's business to export democracy to
others... It is possible to have the freer world that Bush speaks of, but
the idea that those who are strong and have a larger arsenal have an
unchallenged right to impose their will on the weak, undermines democracy.
- Nation
Critics who were
hoping that he would get mired in detail about Iraq were mistaken. Instead
he went back to basics, reaching out to the belief of most Americans in
the fundamental importance of freedom and using that to explain his
policies at home and abroad. At times it sounded more like a sermon than a
speech. Mr. Bush may not be much of a speaker. But sometimes the message
is more important than eloquence and what he had to say yesterday had the
power of real conviction. - Irish Independent.
Iraq was never
mentioned by name, yet its recent history resonated when Bush applied
Abraham Lincoln's words: "those who deny freedom to others deserve it not
for themselves; and, under the rule of a just God, cannot long retain it"
to his own phrase "the rulers of outlaw regimes."
This was too much for
The Toronto Star which called such language "unabashedly aggressive." And
though "delivered from the west steps of the US Capitol... tailored for
world capitals."
The BBC viewed such
words as "warning bells... ringing in foreign capitals such as Tehran and
Damascus."
Such warnings can be
couched in history, and history is always on stage at inaugurals.
Friday's lead
editorial in The Wall Street Journal approvingly, said as much.
Not since JFK in 1960
has an American President provided such an ambitious and unabashed case
for the promotion of liberty at home and abroad. ...The entire speech was
about Iraq, as a way of explaining to Americans why the sacrifice our
troops are making there is justified.
Offering a decidedly
different and longer view of history, China's official newspaper, People's
Daily warned against American historical intent.
No banquet under the
sun will last forever. After the firework fades away Washington is still
under a dark sky. The sole superpower sends a sense of inauspiciousness to
the world when it's president is inaugurated under wartime security
standards: America, where [are] you heading?
... Judging from
Bush's inauguration theme in 2005, being morally conceited and militarily
aggressive are two major elements of American nationalism.
People's Daily took
the opportunity of the inaugural speech to offer its readers a different
history lesson on the American character. Here is the English translation
of that article.
American nationalism
displays the following characters.
First, it is
originated from the worship to 'The American Creed', with liberty,
democracy and the rule of law lying at its core. The Creed takes form
along with the shaping and developing of the country, but has been taken
by many Americans as a truth or standard that 'fits all'. From a religious
perspective, many Americans indulge themselves in a sense of superiority,
believing themselves 'men chosen by God.'
Second, due to the
nation's superior natural and geographical conditions, and its history of
never being invaded, American nationalism is void of historical bitterness
found in typical nationalism of some other peoples.
Third, American
nationalism shows a strong inclination of being self-centered, a
combination of an isolationism tendency (being disdain to associate with
other peoples) and a sense of mission to save 'the fettered world' by
whatever means it desires. American nationalism rejects nationalism in
other peoples, which doesn't, or unwilling to learn other people's
emotions and thoughts, but adopts American standards in all cases.
Fourth, in foreign
policy, American nationalism takes a form of a mixture of morality and
pragmatism. Sometimes America holds ideology as the benchmark, deciding a
friend or foe by American values, beliefs and political considerations;
sometimes it exercises double standards for the sake of national interest,
showing a certain degree of moral hypocrisy.
Much more empathetic
with the Bush administration's take on history, the Times of London
editorialized:
The US will continue
to regard the threat posed by radical Islamists, the dangers of the
proliferation of weapons of mass destruction and the behavior of rogue
states such as North Korea with more urgency than France and Germany.
These countries should ask themselves whether their assessment of these
perils is so much more modest because of evidence, or the inconvenience
that acknowledging their intensity would entail. They might also ponder
what it is about the promotion of freedom that they regard as so alien and
objectionable.
Jan. 21, 2005
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