Collapse of WTO Talks a Welcome Development
The collapse of the
World Trade Organization talks on the Doha Development agenda is an
opportunity and at the same time a challenge for the world’s neocolonies
and its people to carry forward the struggle against imperialist
globalization.
BY THE INTERNATIONAL
LEAGUE OF PEOPLES’ STRUGGLE (ILPS)
Posted by Bulatlat
The collapse of World
Trade Organization (WTO) talks on the so-called Doha Development Agenda is
a welcome development for the people of the world. It means that the
imperialist powers have been stymied, even if only momentarily, from
imposing its expansive agenda of further opening up neocolonial markets.
It also exposes the emptiness of the WTO’s development rhetoric: the likes
of the United States (U.S.) and the European Union (E.U.) are in the end
only concerned about protecting and promoting their respective monopoly
advantages, supports and superprofits. The U.S. in particular has once
again shown its arrogant and unilateralist streak.
The stumbling block is a basically inter-imperialist dispute between the
U.S. and EU on agricultural trade reforms. The US refuses to substantially
lower its farm subsidies to an extent acceptable to the EU, whom it in
turn accuses of keeping barriers to trade in agricultural goods. Matters
came to a head during the Group of Six (G6) meeting of the ministers of
the U.S., EU, Japan, Australia, India and Brazil on July 23-24 that was
ostensibly aimed at preparing for progress in the Doha Round during the
WTO General Council meeting scheduled on July 27-28. The “suspension” of
talks agreed on at an informal WTO heads of delegation meeting on July 24
will have to be made formal by the General Council.
In the Doha Round so far, the imperialist powers have succeeded in making
headway towards drastic liberalization in the neocolonies in agriculture,
non-agricultural market access and services. The cooperation of ruling
comprador-landlord elites in the key large third world countries of Brazil
and India was crucial to achieving this. Even the “development concession”
of special products (SP) and special safeguard measures (SSM) were on the
way to being toned down. China likewise basically supported the WTO’s
overall liberalization agenda even as it made tepid demands for greater
concessions from the US, EU and Japan. However the US and EU were no
longer able to avoid confronting each other over their respective
agricultural protections.
The EU, through Trade Commissioner Peter Mandelson, claimed that it was
open to “bringing [its] average cuts close to the level requested by the
G20 group of developing countries, provided others move in parallel.”
Among the agricultural protections the EU still maintains are high tariffs
and allegedly health-related standards (i.e. sanitary and phyto-sanitary
mechanisms). The U.S. however held firm on maintaining US$22.6 billion in
domestic agricultural support and brazenly declared that it would only
reduce this if it felt that it was being compensated in terms of greater
market access to neocolonial and, especially, EU agricultural markets.
U.S. Agriculture Secretary Mike Johanns declared: “'If we can see ambition
in market access, we can be ambitious, as we have been, with domestic
support.”
All this recalls the situation during the Uruguay Round establishing the
WTO when its final conclusion was reached only after the US and EU
resolved their differences over farm trade. But even then the Uruguay
Round took eight years to complete while the Doha Round has been on-going
for barely four-and-a-half years.
The collapse of talks is an opportunity and, at the same time, a challenge
for the world’s neocolonies and its people. It is an opportunity to carry
forward the struggle to undermine the WTO as a sweeping mechanism for
imperialist “globalization” and the ever greater exploitation of the
world’s people and natural resources. The underdeveloped world has already
suffered much from the past decade of the WTO with worsening poverty and
unemployment as well as the degradation of its already backward
agricultural and industrial sectors.
Yet there is also a challenge as the big powers will now more likely use
its other means for advancing their plundering agenda. The failure of the
Doha Round talks to beat its 2006 deadlines hinders the WTO but still
leaves imperialism with its other alternatives. It will likely more than
ever use bilateral and regional arrangements where its economic and
political clout is even more pronounced. The US for instance, by invading
Iraq and Afghanistan, has also already shown that it is not averse to the
outright waging of wars of aggression and occupation. But even without
going as far as this it still has a range of overt and covert political
and military interventions by which to dictate upon puppet regimes or
otherwise undermine governments that are to some extent and in some ways
assertive of their national interest.
We fully welcome the faltering of the WTO. But even more must we celebrate
the growing resistance of genuine people’s and mass movements joined by
NGOS, academics and other social activists. We still confront a wide range
of imperialist instruments and it is the people’s resistance that drives
the struggle for freedom, social justice and development. Bulatlat
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