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Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume 2, Number 14 May 12 - 18, 2002 Quezon City, Philippines |
U.S.-Israel-Palestine A
year ago, Hebrew University sociologist Baruch Kimmerling observed that
"What we feared has come true." Jews and Palestinians are
"regressing to superstitious tribalism... War appears an unavoidable
fate," an "evil colonial" war. After Israel's invasion of the
refugee camps this year his colleague Ze'ev Sternhell wrote that "In
colonial Israel...human life is cheap." The leadership is "no longer
ashamed to speak of war when what they are really engaged in is colonial
policing, which recalls the takeover by the white police of the poor
neighborhoods of the blacks in South Africa during the apartheid era." Both
stress the obvious: there is no symmetry between the "ethno-national
groups" regressing to tribalism. The conflict is centered in territories
that have been under harsh military occupation for 35 years. The conqueror is a
major military power, acting with massive military, economic and diplomatic
support from the global superpower. Its subjects are alone and defenseless, many
barely surviving in miserable camps, currently suffering even more brutal terror
of a kind familiar in "evil colonial wars" and now carrying out
terrible atrocities of their own in revenge. The
Oslo "peace process" changed the modalities of the occupation, but not
the basic concept. Shortly before joining the Ehud Barak government, historian
Shlomo Ben-Ami wrote that "the Oslo agreements were founded on a
neo-colonialist basis, on a life of dependence of one on the other
forever." He soon became an architect of the US-Israel proposals at Camp
David in Summer 2000, which kept to this condition. These were highly praised in
US commentary. The Palestinians and their evil leader were blamed for their
failure and the subsequent violence. But that is outright "fraud," as
Kimmerling reported, along with all other serious commentators. True,
Clinton-Barak advanced a few steps towards a Bantustan-style settlement. Just
prior to Camp David, West Bank Palestinians were confined to over 200 scattered
areas, and Clinton-Barak did propose an improvement: consolidation to three
cantons, under Israeli control, virtually separated from one another and from
the fourth enclave, a small area of East Jerusalem, the center of Palestinian
life and of communications in the region. In the fifth canton, Gaza, the outcome
was left unclear except that the population were also to remain virtually
imprisoned. It is understandable that maps are not to be found in the US
mainstream, or any of the details of the proposals. No
one can seriously doubt that the US role will continue to be decisive. It is
therefore of crucial importance to understand what that role has been, and how
it is internally perceived. The version of the doves is presented by the editors
of the NY Times (7 April), praising the President's "path-breaking
speech" and the "emerging vision" he articulated. Its first
element is "ending Palestinian terrorism," immediately. Some time
later comes "freezing, then rolling back, Jewish settlements and
negotiating new borders" to end the occupation and allow the establishment
of a Palestinian state. If Palestinian terror ends, Israelis will be encouraged
to "take the Arab League's historic offer of full peace and recognition in
exchange for an Israeli withdrawal more seriously." But first Palestinian
leaders must demonstrate that they are "legitimate diplomatic
partners." The
real world has little resemblance to this self-serving portrayal -- virtually
copied from the 1980s, when the US and Israel were desperately seeking to evade
PLO offers of negotiation and political settlement while keeping to the demand
that there will be no negotiations with the PLO, no "additional Palestinian
state..." (Jordan already being a Palestinian state), and "no change
in the status of Judea, Samaria and Gaza other than in accordance with the basic
guidelines of the [Israeli] Government" (the May 1989 Peres-Shamir
coalition plan, endorsed by Bush I in the Baker plan of Dec. 1989). All of this
remained unpublished in the US mainstream, as regularly before, while commentary
denounced the Palestinians for their single-minded commitment to terror,
undermining the humanistic endeavors of the US and its allies. In
the real world, the primary barrier to the "emerging vision" has been,
and remains, unilateral US rejectionism. There is little new in the "Arab
League's historic offer." It repeats the basic terms of a Security Council
Resolution of January 1976 backed by virtually the entire world, including the
leading Arab states, the PLO, Europe, the Soviet bloc -- in fact, everyone who
mattered. It was opposed by Israel and vetoed by the US, thereby vetoing it from
history. The Resolution called for a political settlement on the
internationally-recognized borders "with appropriate arrangements...to
guarantee...the sovereignty, territorial integrity, and political independence
of all states in the area and their right to live in peace within secure and
recognized borders" -- in effect, a modification of UN 242 (as officially
interpreted by the US as well), amplified to include a Palestinian state.
Similar initiatives from the Arab states, the PLO, and Europe have since been
blocked by the US and mostly suppressed or denied in public commentary. US
rejectionism goes back 5 years earlier, to February 1971, when President Sadat
of Egypt offered Israel a full peace treaty in return for Israeli withdrawal
from Egyptian territory, with no mention of Palestinian national rights or the
fate of the other occupied territories. Israel's Labor government recognized
this to be a genuine peace offer, but rejected it, intending to extend its
settlements to northeastern Sinai; that it soon did, with extreme brutality, the
immediate cause for the 1973 war. Israel and the US understood that peace was
possible in accord with official US policy. But as Labor Party leader Ezer
Weizmann (later President) explained, that outcome would not allow Israel to
"exist according to the scale, spirit, and quality she now embodies."
Israeli commentator Amos Elon wrote that Sadat caused "panic" among
the Israeli political leadership when he announced his willingness "to
enter into a peace agreement with Israel, and to respect its independence and
sovereignty in `secure and recognized borders'." Kissinger
succeeded in blocking peace, instituting his preference for what he called
"stalemate": no negotiations, only force. Jordanian peace offers were
also dismissed. Since that time, official US policy has kept to the
international consensus on withdrawal -- until Clinton, who effectively
rescinded UN resolutions and considerations of international law. But in
practice, policy has followed the Kissinger guidelines, accepting negotiations
only when compelled to do so, as Kissinger was after the near-debacle of the
1973 war for which he shares major responsibility, and under the conditions that
Ben-Ami articulated. Plans
for Palestinians followed the guidelines formulated by Moshe Dayan, one of the
Labor leaders more sympathetic to the Palestinian plight. He advised the Cabinet
that Israel should make it clear to refugees that "we have no solution, you
shall continue to live like dogs, and whoever wishes may leave, and we will see
where this process leads." When challenged, he responded by citing Ben-Gurion,
who "said that whoever approaches the Zionist problem from a moral aspect
is not a Zionist." He could have also cited Chaim Weizmann, who held that
the fate of the "several hundred thousand negroes" in the Jewish
homeland "is a matter of no consequence." Not
surprisingly, the guiding principle of the occupation has been incessant and
degrading humiliation, along with torture, terror, destruction of property,
displacement and settlement, and takeover of basic resources, crucially water.
That has, of course, required decisive US support, extending through the
Clinton-Barak years. "The Barak government is leaving Sharon's government a
surprising legacy," the Israeli press reported as the transition took
place: "the highest number of housing starts in the territories since the
time when Ariel Sharon was Minister of Construction and Settlement in 1992
before the Oslo agreements" -- funding provided by the American taxpayer,
deceived by fanciful tales of the "visions" and
"magnanimity" of US leaders, foiled by terrorists like Arafat who have
forfeited "our trust," perhaps also by some Israeli extremists who are
overreacting to their crimes. How
Arafat must act to regain our trust is explained succinctly by Edward Walker,
the State Department official responsible for the region under Clinton. The
devious Arafat must announce without ambiguity that "We put our future and
fate in the hands of the US," which has led the campaign to undermine
Palestinian rights for 30 years. More
serious commentary recognized that the "historic offer" largely
reiterated the Saudi Fahd Plan of 1981 -- undermined, it was regularly claimed,
by Arab refusal to accept the existence of Israel. The facts are again quite
different. The 1981 plan was undermined by an Israeli reaction that even its
mainstream press condemned as "hysterical." Shimon Peres warned that
the Fahd plan "threatened Israel's very existence." President Haim
Herzog charged that the "real author" of the Fahd plan was the PLO,
and that it was even more extreme than the January 1976 Security Council
resolution that was "prepared by" the PLO when he was Israel's UN
Ambassador. These claims can hardly be true (though the PLO publicly backed both
plans), but they are an indication of the desperate fear of a political
settlement on the part of Israeli doves, with the unremitting and decisive
support of the US. The
basic problem then, as now, traces back to Washington, which has persistently
backed Israel's rejection of a political settlement in terms of the broad
international consensus, reiterated in essentials in "the Arab League's
historic offer." Current
modifications of US rejectionism are tactical and so far minor. With plans for
an attack on Iraq endangered, the US permitted a UN resolution calling for
Israeli withdrawal from the newly-invaded territories "without delay"
-- meaning "as soon as possible," Secretary of State Colin Powell
explained at once. Palestinian terror is to end "immediately," but far
more extreme Israeli terror, going back 35 years, can take its time. Israel at
once escalated its attack, leading Powell to say "I'm pleased to hear that
the prime minister says he is expediting his operations." There is much
suspicion that Powell's arrival in Israel is being delayed so that they can be
"expedited" further. That US stance may well change, again for
tactical reasons. The
US also allowed a UN Resolution calling for a "vision" of a
Palestinian state. This forthcoming gesture, which received much acclaim, does
not rise to the level of South Africa 40 years ago when the Apartheid regime
actually implemented its "vision" of Black-run states that were at
least as viable and legitimate as the neo-colonial dependency that the US and
Israel have been planning for the occupied territories. Meanwhile
the US continues to "enhance terror," to borrow the President's words,
by providing Israel with the means for terror and destruction, including a new
shipment of the most advanced helicopters in the US arsenal (Robert Fisk,
Independent, 7 April). These are standard reactions to atrocities by a client
regime. To cite one instructive example, in the first days of the current
Intifada, Israel used US helicopters to attack civilian targets, killing 10
Palestinians and wounding 35, hardly in "self-defense." Clinton
responded with an agreement for "the largest purchase of military
helicopters by the Israeli Air Force in a decade" (Ha'aretz, 3 October,
'01), along with spare parts for Apache attack helicopters. The press helped out
by refusing to report the facts. A few weeks later, Israel began to use US
helicopters for assassinations as well. One of the first acts of the Bush
administration was to send Apache Longbow helicopters, the most murderous
available. That received some marginal notice under business news. Washington's
commitment to "enhancing terror" was illustrated again in December,
when it vetoed a Security Council Resolution calling for implementation of the
Mitchell Plan and dispatch of international monitors to oversee reduction of
violence, the most effective means as generally recognized, opposed by Israel
and regularly blocked by Washington. The veto took place during a 21-day period
of calm -- meaning that only one Israeli soldier was killed, along with 21
Palestinians including 11 children, and 16 Israeli incursions into areas under
Palestinian control (Graham Usher, Middle East International, 25 January '02).
Ten days before the veto, the US boycotted -- thus undermined -- an
international conference in Geneva that once again concluded that the Fourth
Geneva Convention applies to the occupied terrorities, so that virtually
everything the US and Israel do there is a "grave breach"; a "war
crime" in simple terms. The conference specifically declared the US-funded
Israeli settlements to be illegal, and condemned the practice of "wilful
killing, torture, unlawful deportation, wilful depriving of the rights of fair
and regular trial, extensive destruction and appropriation of property...carried
out unlawfully and wantonly." As a High Contracting Party, the US is
obligated by solemn treaty to prosecute those responsible for such crimes,
including its own leadership. Accordingly, all of this passes in silence. The
US has not officially withdrawn its recognition of the applicability of the
Geneva Conventions to the occupied territories, or its censure of Israeli
violations as the "occupying power" (affirmed, for example, by George
Bush I when he was UN Ambassador). In October 2000 the Security Council
reaffirmed the consensus on this matter, "call[ing] on Israel, the
occupying power, to abide scrupulously by its legal obligations under the Fourth
Geneva Convention." The vote was 14-0. Clinton abstained, presumably not
wanting to veto one of the core principles of international humanitarian law,
particularly in light of the circumstances in which it was enacted: to
criminalize formally the atrocities of the Nazis. All of this too was consigned
quickly to the memory hole, another contribution to "enhancing
terror." Until such matters are permitted to enter discussion, and their implications understood, it is meaningless to call for "US engagement in the peace process," and prospects for constructive action will remain grim. We want to know what you think of this article.
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