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Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume 2, Number 31 September 8 - 14, 2002 Quezon City, Philippines |
Slouching
Towards 9/11 Back to Alternative Reader Index There
are eight million 9/11 stories in the Naked City. Be grateful that I will spare
you mine. The
avalanche about to descend is heavy enough as it is: more than 150 books, a
landfill of commemorative magazines and newspapers, 90 hours of special
television programming replaying the greatest hits from America's most lethal
hit. "We're going to be reliving it in such a way that newspapers can sell
newspapers and networks can get ratings," said Madeleine Smithberg, the
executive producer of Jon Stewart's "Daily Show." "The overall
effect is that you become numb to something you should never become numb
to." Though
"The Daily Show" will be mum on the 11th, nearly every other market
niche will be patriotically served, each according to its demographic. The Food
Network will replace its morning programs with what one executive calls
"tasteful, mellow instrumental music." ESPN has a documentary on
sports in Afghanistan after the Taliban. My own favorite channel, Turner Classic
Movies, will offer the camp take on an attack on the Manhattan skyline: a rerun
of "King Kong" (mercifully not the World Trade Center-relocated
Jessica Lange remake). Fox
has titled its 9/11 special "The Day America Changed," and those
looking for an alternative can surf to "The Day That Changed America"
on CBS. But here is one way America has not changed. Our history still repeats
itself first as tragedy and then as farce, but most of all as entertainment,
with a full line of merchandise and an undertow of nostalgia. Only the time
frame has been compressed. In merely a year, "Let's Roll!" has gone
from being a hero's brave cry to a Neil Young song to the Florida State football
team's official slogan to a T-shirt to No. 1 on next week's Times best-seller
list. This is all reassuring. If the terrorists' aim was in part to wreck
America's premier export -- our culture -- we can say with confidence that they
have not won. Even
so, there have been some changes over the past year, starting with the strange
disappearance of the Democratic Party. In foreign-policy debates on TV these
days "the left" is now represented by the G.O.P. gargoyle Lawrence
Eagleburger. On the right, political correctness has also turned inside out.
Those who once deplored the suppression of free speech on campus are now calling
for it if the subject under discussion is the Koran. But
we remain a resilient nation, and much is just as it was a year ago. Old Normal:
Gary Condit, Lizzie Grubman. New Normal: Michael Skakel, Lizzie Grubman. Last
Labor Day's Time magazine cover story, "Where Have You Gone, Colin
Powell?" -- depicting the secretary of state as the Bush administration's
odd man out -- is as timely as ever. Afghanistan has again dropped off most
Americans' radar screens. We are still encouraged to guzzle gas without feeling
guilty about our slavish dependence on allies like the one that spawned 15 of
the 19 hijackers. Union Square once more is innocent of fliers with the legend
"MISSING." Of
course we still remember the missing, and mourn them, and not even a maudlin,
self-aggrandizing media orgy a year later could so deaden our senses that we
would forget. But a certain national numbness, or perhaps amnesia, is settling
in. If we remember the dead of Sept. 11 vividly, we are gradually losing sight
of those who carried out their slaughter. Wasn't our mission to track down Osama
bin Laden and Al Qaeda, dead or alive, before they struck again? We are now
gearing up to fight another war that has been grandfathered into the war on
terrorism. While it too targets an unambiguous evildoer, it is a different
mission that is already obscuring the first and may yet defeat it. Each
week brings new evidence that our original task has largely been left
unfulfilled in the wake of our early and successful routing of the Taliban. The
Los Angeles Times has reported that the nearly 600 prisoners from 43 countries
being held in U.S. military custody at Guantánamo Bay have yielded no senior
Qaeda leaders whatsoever. On Wednesday The Washington Post found that two of the
most important of those missing leaders are operating at full tilt out of Iran,
where they are "directly involved in planning Al Qaeda terrorist
operations," despite the Pentagon's announcement that one of them had been
killed in Afghanistan in January. The
fact that this unhappy news arrives late and muted can be attributed in part to
one other post-9/11 change. The Bush administration, never open to begin with,
has now turned secrecy into a crusade so extreme that it is even fighting in
court to protect the confidentiality of Bill Clinton's sleazy dealings with Marc
Rich. (Why? Perhaps the executive privilege at stake would help hide its Energy
Task Force's sleazy dealings with Enron.) There's a legitimate debate whether
the defeat of terrorism justifies constitutional shortcuts -- and that argument
is playing out in court, where there have now been four judgments against the
government this year, including a unanimous appellate decision this week. But
more and more the argument is academic. The administration's blanket secrecy has
less to do with the legitimate good of protecting our security than with the
political goal of burying its own failures. By
keeping the names and court proceedings of his detainees under wraps, John
Ashcroft could for months cover up his law enforcement minions' inability to
apprehend a single terrorist connected to 9/11. The same stunt has been pulled
by designating prisoners "enemy combatants" at Guantánamo. Jose
Padilla, the "dirty bomber," whose arrest was trumpeted by the
attorney general as the breakup of a major terrorist plot, turns out to be a
nonentity who may not be charged with anything. But as long as Mr. Padilla is
locked away in a legal deep freeze, that embarrassment can be kept on the q.t.
In the same spirit, the F.B.I. is now investigating 17 members of the Senate
Intelligence Committee for leaks to the press; revealingly, the leaks that
angered Dick Cheney and prompted this investigation were not leaks about
intelligence per se but leaks about how our government bungled intelligence on
this administration's watch just before 9/11. Now
"America's New War," as CNN once branded it, is about to give way to
"America's Newer War," and you have to wonder what if anything we have
learned. George W. Bush is in a box, and one of his own making. If he does not
attack Iraq now, after months of swagger, he will destroy his own credibility
and hurt the country's. But if he does, he is in another bind. Even though the
administration maintains that it needs neither allies nor Congressional
approval, the president still needs the support of the American people unless he
wants to mimic another hubristic Texan president who took a backdoor route into
pre-emptive warfare. "An
all-out attack on Iraq will entail a level of risk and sacrifice that the U.S.
has not assumed since Vietnam," wrote the author of "Black Hawk
Down," the combat journalist Mark Bowden, this week. As this reality sinks
in, support for war with Iraq is falling -- from 70 percent last fall to 51
percent now, according to the new Time/CNN poll. A Washington Post/ABC News poll
shows that only 40 percent would approve if there are ground troops and
significant American casualties. But
let's posit that the Iraq drumbeating is not a cynical effort to distract the
country from the stalled war against Al Qaeda or the stalled economy. Let's
posit that the administration rationale, set out by Mr. Cheney when he emerged
from the Halliburton witness protection program this week, is solid. If indeed
"there is no doubt" that Saddam Hussein already "has weapons of
mass destruction" to use against us and "time is not on our
side," then why these months of dithering that allow our enemy to lay his
traps? Why doesn't a president with a high approval rating rally the country at
once and count on it to follow? Is it that Mr. Bush doesn't trust the evidence
against Saddam, or is it that he doesn't trust us -- or is it that he still
thinks terrorists can be fought on a schedule we dictate? The logic of Mr.
Cheney's urgent arguments, William F. Buckley observed this week, would suggest
that "the American people should now be told that we are at war against
Saddam Hussein." We
should also be told, in the words of James Baker, that it "cannot be done
on the cheap." Does a president who since 9/11 has asked us for no larger
sacrifice than longer waits at the airport have the guts to tell us this? If
not, we are back where we came in one long year ago. August
31, 2002 Bulatlat.com We want to know what you think of this article.
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