Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume 3, Number 39 November 2 - 8, 2003 Quezon City, Philippines |
Twisting the Past to Justify Present Mr. Bush's statement greatly distorts and sanitizes a painful and violent history. The United States did not bring democracy to the Philippines a century ago but crushed a constitutional republic being established there. by Paul Kramer Baltimore Sun Reposted by Bulatlat.com DURING
HIS eight-hour visit to Manila on Saturday, President Bush drew a striking
connection between Iraq and the Philippines in a speech before the Philippine
Congress. The current U.S. occupation of Iraq, he held, should be modeled on the
earlier U.S. occupation of the Philippines, which lasted from 1898 to 1946.
"Some say the culture of the Middle East will not sustain the institutions
of democracy," he stated. "The same doubts were once expressed about
the culture of Asia. Those doubts were proven wrong nearly six decades
ago." Mr.
Bush's statement greatly distorts and sanitizes a painful and violent history.
The United States did not bring democracy to the Philippines a century ago but
crushed a constitutional republic being established there.
During the occupation that followed, the "optimism" expressed
by U.S. colonial officials about the "culture of Asia," similar to Mr.
Bush's, enabled a decades-long denial of actual political power. Abuse
and exploitation by Spanish colonizers in the Philippines led to the outbreak of
a revolution in 1896. It was defeated in 1897 and its leaders exiled. But when
the administration of President William McKinley sent the U.S. Pacific Squadron
to Manila Bay in the Spanish-American War, Filipino leaders were able to return
to the islands with U.S. naval assistance and defeat Spanish forces. By June
1898, Filipino revolutionary leader Emilio Aguinaldo declared an independent
Philippine Republic, the first in Asia. U.S.
representatives made explicit, and deceptive, promises that the new state would
be recognized by the United States, which was crucial to its
survival. At the same time, U.S. military commanders were ordered to deny
the republic's army entry into Manila. In Paris, the United States and Spain
also shut the republic's diplomatic representatives out of negotiations over a
treaty that eventually transferred Philippine sovereignty from Spain to the
United States for $20 million. Contrary
to Mr. Bush's claim, Filipino leaders had been most assertive that their culture
could "sustain the institutions of democracy." Combining indigenous
Filipino political ideas and conventions with Euro-American ones, the republic
embraced constitutional government with an elected legislature.
It was an elitist republic dominated by the wealthy; so too was the
United States.
Far
from undermining doubts about the culture of Asia, U.S. politicians, military
commanders and imperial-minded journalists aggressively argued against Filipino
self-government. They instead described the islands' population as
"primitive," divided into innumerable "tribes" and oppressed
by dictatorial and corrupt leaders from whom they must be "liberated."
These
depictions became even more pronounced during the U.S. invasion that followed
and the resulting war between Philippine and U.S. armies. The campaign was
bloody and protracted, involving the looting of civilian property, the torching
of villages and the torture and killing of prisoners by U.S. troops. Historians
estimate that possibly 250,000 Filipinos died during the war and its aftermath. U.S.
officials declared the war over long before resistance had ended. As a postwar
occupation began, U.S. observers continued to deny Filipino capacities for
self-government. Over
the next 50 years, U.S. control over the Philippines would be justified with
malleable explanations based on Filipinos' alleged incapacities for reason,
discipline, order, hard work and other moral features believed
necessary for self-government. Filipino assertions that they could meet
American standards led to constant readjustments of those standards. At
the same time, those who denied Filipinos political power remained optimistic
about Filipinos. Currently unable to rule themselves, they said, Filipinos would
be able to do so after some indefinite period of education. The
United States was far from successful in democratic nation-building in the
Philippines, having never attempted it. The U.S.
occupation government instead installed Filipino elites in power through the
instruments of a one- party police state, initially with strict and repressive
censorship laws. Filipino
democracy would take constricted shape under U.S. imperialism both during formal
occupation and, after 1946, as a Cold War battleground.
Energetic U.S. support for the brutal dictatorship of Ferdinand Marcos
says much about the U.S. commitment to Filipino democracy. Present conditions of
extreme economic inequality and political corruption are in many ways legacies
of this earlier history. So too is the ongoing struggle in the southern
Philippines between Philippine forces and Muslim rebels, in which U.S. troops
are involved. Mr.
Bush's statement reflects the willingness of the administration to manipulate
the history of an earlier imperial occupation to justify a newer one. Critics of
the Iraq war should be cautious not to commit the same error by drawing strict
parallels between occupations that are, in many ways, quite different. But in
both cases, "optimism" about the political prospects of colonial
subjects begins from the assumption that the United States has an imperial
mandate to declare which cultures can "sustain the institutions of
democracy" and which cannot. Under
any administration, such claims would be arrogant; under the present one, which
has demonstrated a persistent disrespect for democratic procedures, they are
also absurd. The right to determine the shape of Iraq's politics belongs to the
Iraqi people, as it did to the Filipino people a century ago. (Paul
Kramer, an assistant history professor at the Johns Hopkins University, is
writing a book on the U.S. occupation of the Philippines.
) Copyright
© 2003, The Baltimore Sun
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