Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts Volume III, Number 42 November 23 - 29, 2003 Quezon City, Philippines |
Vegetable
Farmers Reap Bitter Pills of Trade Liberalization Continuing
trade policies of the Macapagal-Arroyo government threaten to wipe out local
vegetable production. Trade liberalization has been lethal to Philippine
agriculture, especially vegetable farming. It has aggravated the backward state
of vegetable production making millions of its producers poorer. By
Roy B. Morilla Year
by year, prospects are increasing that the vegetables on the plates of Filipinos
are no longer locally produced, but imported.
Continuing trade policies of the Macapagal-Arroyo government threaten to
wipe out local vegetable production. These
are deadly times for Philippine vegetable farmers.
Since
1990 and even before that, trade liberalization has been lethal to Philippine
agriculture, especially vegetable farming.
It has scaled down local production in almost all of the country’s
major vegetable farms. It has also
reversed the relatively favorable income balance of farmers during the pre-World
Trade Organization (WTO) era toward severe farmer indebtedness in the WTO
regime. In short, trade
liberalization has aggravated the already backward state of vegetable-growing
productive forces and depressed the economic welfare of the country’s
vegetable producers. Vegetable
production The
Philippines is primarily an agricultural economy. Despite figures showing that agriculture only contributes
almost a quarter of the gross domestic product and more than 40 percent of
product sales, the actual share of agriculture in the country's income is
larger, since local farm produce is generally underpriced.
Vegetable production revenues reach almost P30 billion every year, making
up 9 to 10 percent of the country's total crop sales. The
Philippines roughly produces 717,000 metric tons of vegetables every year.
The Cordillera region north of the country brings in almost a quarter of
the total vegetable production, while Ilocos which is in the same region
contributes 23 percent and Central Luzon north of Manila, 15 percent. Thus, the
first two regions make up nearly half of the local vegetable production.
These vegetables are cultivated in about 130,000 hectares, a figure that
varies erratically depending on current trends.
On these lands, not less than 900,000 farmers grow vegetables, create
income and make a living. The
vegetable crop with the highest production level is eggplant reaching at least
166,000 MT yearly or 18 percent of the total vegetable production.
This is followed by tomato with a 17 percent share, squash (12 percent),
cabbage (11 percent), onion (10 percent), potato (9 percent) and chayote
accounting for 5 percent of total
vegetable harvests. However, the
crop with the widest area of cultivation is mongo, planted in 37,000 hectares or
27 percent of the total area harvested for vegetables.
Second is eggplant with 13 percent share and third, tomato planted in 12
percent of the total vegetable hectarage. Different
during pre-WTO The
pre-WTO periods were not as disastrous for the country’s vegetable industry.
Local vegetable production reached an average of 0.96 million metric tons
from 1990 to 1994 and even exceeded the 1 million level in 1994.
Production grew, posting an average yearly rate of increase of 2 percent
or more than 26,000 MT. Growth took
place in almost 60 percent of total vegetable production, which rose at the
average rate of 36,000 MT yearly. The
prime area of growth in vegetable production was in potato farming, which
contributed close to half of the total vegetable production growth, followed by
eggplant at 19 percent. Chayote and
onion farming each contributed 7 percent to total growth in vegetable harvests. The
entry of the Philippines to the WTO in 1995, and with it, the liberalization of
the vegetable business, has reversed this upward trend in local production.
From that year to 2000, production fell to an annual average of 880,000
metric tons--77,000 MT or 8 percent lower than the 1990-1994 level.
In 2000, production dropped to as low as 717,000 MT.
The earlier positive growth turned into a 40,000 MT decline every year.
More than half of the vegetable production experienced a decline during
that period. Highlighting
the contrast was the fact the fastest growing crop of the previous period --
potato -- was the major casualty of the WTO era in terms of vegetable harvests.
Potato production dropped by more than 40 percent from a yearly average
of 130,000 MT to as low as 75,000 MT. Accounting
for the drop in potato harvests was the contraction of potato-harvested lands by
35 percent. The second major
casualty was cabbage, which suffered a decline of 35% or 52,000 MT from the
earlier annual average. Likewise
in the pre-WTO period, some onion and garlic farmers earned P40,000 to as high
as P100,000 per hectare. Though
onion and garlic production did not decline with the Philippines joining WTO,
earnings of onion and garlic farmers fell drastically by about 60 percent and 80
percent, respectively. Thousand-peso
net incomes became P13,000 to P25,000 negative balances.
Drowned
by cheap imports One
concrete cause of the crisis of local vegetable production is the massive entry
of vegetable imports, since the Philippine government's membership in WTO.
Since then, the Philippine government has dismantled such barriers to
vegetable importation as quotas, higher tariffs and outright bans on imports. The
liberalization of the vegetable industry enabled imports to break into the local
market. Although it is popularly
believed vegetable imports end up directly in the local supermarkets, public wet
and dry markets, hotels and restaurants, or simply for direct human consumption,
only 20 percent of these imported vegetables are considered to be suitable for
direct consumption, such as the fresh and chilled.
The remaining 80 percent, such as the cooked and uncooked, dried, boiled,
in powder form, or in any other form, are marketed to local food processing
units as raw materials. As a result, government data only accounts for a relatively
small fraction of the actual volume that penetrates the local market. The
massive importation of vegetables has drastically changed the nature of local
market to the detriment of local producers and farmers.
In 1994, imports accounted for a little more than 5 percent of the local
vegetable supply. The recorded
volume of imports then was only 55,000 MT, compared to a million metric tons of
local produce. Moreover,
imported fresh and chilled vegetables amounted to only 700 MT.
The 1991-1994 period registered an annual average of 40,000 MT of
imported vegetables. Since
the Philippines joined the WTO, total vegetable imports in all forms rose to an
average of over 94,000 MT during 1995-2000 (150 percent more than the pre-WTO
levels) and 100,000 MT during 1995-2001, reaching close to 150,000 metric tons
in 2001. From
a previously manageable level, vegetable imports at 109,000 MT jumped to more
than 13 percent of the local supply in 2000.
In 1995-2000, vegetable imports already made up 10 percent
of the total local supply of vegetables and were equivalent to 11 percent
of the local production. These
WTO-period import levels are sky-high compared to their pre-WTO levels.
Onion imports climbed sharply from only 50 metric tons in 1995 to as high
as 8,200 MT in 2001. Likewise, garlic imports skyrocketed from almost none in 1991
to 1994 to 7,600 MT, while potato imports shot up from 6 MT to 380 MT. Of
the vegetable imports in 1995-2001, over 28,000 MT of these, fresh and chilled.
Of the fresh imports, onions composed more than 60 percent, while garlic
accounted for 27 percent and potatoes at 1,500 MT for 5 percent. Distorting
local market Both
fast-rising capitalist productivity of Taiwanese and mainland Chinese farming
and government farm support have allowed their farm products to be exported
cheaply and dumped (sold below local production costs) in the Philippines.
Through the years, as these imports flood the country more and more, they
have become even cheaper than before. In
1994, the base prices of imported onion, potatoes and tomatoes ranged from P200
to P300 per kilo. These prices fell
to only P7 to P20 in 2001. Although
marginal in numbers, the country’s present market structure allowed imports to
put pressure greatly on the prices of local vegetables.
Because Manila continues to be the only vital trading center in our
country, the Northern Luzon and Ilocos regions continue to rely on Manila as
major market for their local vegetable produce.
These produce used to dominate local outlets, such as big supermarkets,
public markets, hotels and restaurants. But
cheap imports have since seized these markets away from local production. The
pricing system in Manila also serves as benchmark to farmgate pricing of
vergetables. With Manila as the new
major market of cheap imports and with regional market structures dominated by
monopoly traders, prices of cheap imports are used as leverage to further
depress farmgate prices. As
vegetable imports rise in volume and fall in price, they help local merchants
put a lid on the already extremely and exploitatively low farmgate prices and
incomes of vegetable farmers while raising the level of local farmer
indebtedness. During
the 1990s, vegetable farmgate prices stagnated. In the two 4-year periods of
1991-1994 and 1995-1998, farmgate prices of potato and tomatoes only increased
by a negligible P2 to P4 per kilo, those onion and garlic prices a mere P10 to
P20 per kilo. The mid-1990s
also saw erratic farmgate price changes, with garlic prices shooting up by P33
per kilo in 1995 but plunging by P44 per kilo in 1997.
Even when farmgate prices rose, they were negligible compared to the mounting costs of production,
triggered by the 30 percent retail price hikes of seeds, pesticides and
fertilizers. Government-led
liberalization The
Macapagal-Arroyo government has adopted the preposterous and hypocritical
posture of dissent over imported vegetables, while serving as the principal
local promoter of agricultural liberalization.
It is misleading the Filipino farmers and people by pointing to only
smuggling as the main culprit of farmers’ misfortunes, while ignoring the
problem of zero-tariff imports or liberalization in general itself.
The government's Janus-faced stance is an exercise in public deception
that serves to veil its continuing import liberalization drive that continues to
devastate local agriculture. After
binding the Philippines to the WTO, the Ramos administration repealed Republic
Act 1296, the law prohibiting the importation of onion, garlic, potato and
cabbage, and enacted RA 8178 or the Agricultural Tariffication Act in 1996,
converting farm import quotas into tariffs.
Through tariffication, the government provided for planned duty
reductions in the succeeding years. The
Philippine tariff commitments in 1995 slashed almost 50 percent of the duty
rates on agricultural imports. Thus,
most products were imposed by 40 percent duties on in-quota (for imports below a
minimum access volume) and 100 percent on out-quota (for imports beyond this
minimum access volume). Successive
executive orders of the Ramos and Estrada administrations cut down duty rates
even further and scheduled even further reductions. This
trend of tariff reduction has been upheld by the Macapagal-Arroyo
administration. The president’s EO 197, increasing some duty rates of those
non-major vegetable products is mere tokenism, providing negligible
protectionist support to the local vegetable economy and meant only to win votes
for her 2004 presidential bid. Tariff
reductions on major vegetables such as onion, garlic, potatoes and tomatoes are
still in effect and on schedule. At present, uniform 5 percent tariff rates -- that are so low
that they effectively amount to free trade already -- are applied on vegetable
imports coming from ASEAN countries. APEC
countries such as China and Taiwan already enjoy low duty rates ranging from 5
percent to 35 percent. President
Macapagl-Arroyo and Agriculture Secretary Luis Lorenzo continue to go through
the motions of seeking to plug up smuggling of imported vegetables while clearly
enabling vegetable imports to flood the local economy as a result of steep
tariff reductions. Although local
merchants continue to exploit Philippine vegetable farmers, it is the Arroyo
government with its runaway agricultural trade liberalization that is the major
local reason for the farmers' growing poverty and misery. Bulatlat.com Roy Morilla is the Program Director of the Peasant Education and Studies Center (PESC), an institution engaged in participatory research and education with the Kilusang Magbubukid ng Pilipinas (Peasant Movement in the Philippines) and its regional affiliates. PESC is at 18-A Matiwasay Street, U.P. Village, Diliman, Quezon City with contact number 435-0338. We want to know what you think of this article.
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