Bu-lat-lat (boo-lat-lat) verb: to search, probe, investigate, inquire; to unearth facts
Volume 3, Number 7 March 16 - 22, 2003 Quezon City, Philippines
deep politics of regime removal in Iraq:
31, 2002-If an invasion of Iraq goes as scripted by the Bush administration and
Washington's elite fraternity of war planners, the world will witness a
nightmarishly familiar spectacle. A CIA scion (a Bush) will remove a former US
ally, CIA asset and business partner (Saddam Hussein) using CIA-supported
paramilitaries, cutouts, and opposition groups to install new CIA-affiliated
client regimes controlled by and beholden to US interests.
Hussein: a Long-running CIA Game and US Obsession
power plays all sides of any conflict, alternately supporting and subverting
(from within and without), playing one side against another, "managing the
tension," until desired results are achieved.
well-documented example is Afghanistan, where, in the wake of the Afghan-Soviet
War, the US has installed and then violently overthrown successive regimes (Rabbani,
Hekmatyr, Northern Alliance, Taliban), until a satisfying result was eventually
achieved: a US puppet government, headed by former Unocal consultant and CIA
asset Hamid Karzai, narco-trafficking warlord/bandits of the Northern Alliance,
and helped along by US envoy Zalmay Khalilzad, Pentagon-intelligence insider,
former Unocal consultant, and assistant to current Deputy Defense Secretary Paul
Iraq, the US and CIA have been playing a similar game for decades, running
paramilitaries and armed groups with roots going back to Iran-Iraq war of the
1980s and beyond. "Americans have been left in the dark concerning CIA
maneuvers in the Middle East, fed a steady diet of fantasy mush in which Arabs
and Muslims are inexorably tagged as irrational, fanatical terrorists,"
wrote Kurdish journalist Husayn Al-Kurdi. "The actual history of CIA
involvement in the region tells a far different story."
CIA's direct role in Iraq stretches back to the 1950s. Saddam Hussein himself
was a US creation, a US ally and a CIA asset. As noted by Al-Kurdi, "after
propping up the corrupt regime of Nuri Said, the USA went after Abdul
Karim-Kassem, whose popularly-supported coup eliminated the old British agent
Nuri in 1958. Among those whom the CIA recruited to do its dirty work were the
Iraqi Baath Party, including a brash power-hungry adventurer named Saddam
Hussein." The CIA then engineered the overthrow and assassination of Kassem
in 1963, with Saddam playing a major role in the Kassem hit and subsequent
liquidations of Communists.
the ensuring decades to the start of the Gulf War in 1990, Saddam was a key US
ally in the region, as well as a US trading partner, and a business associate of
George Herbert Walker Bush. (In another hemisphere, Panamanian strongman Manuel
Noriega played a similar role over the same period.) The Bush administration's
National Security Decision Directives (exposed in an LA Times investigation in
1992), as well as records detailing the Bush-Saddam relationships through the
notorious BCCI and Banco Nacional del Lavoro (BNL) scandals, offer clear
evidence that Saddam Hussein's government was explicitly and knowingly armed and
financed by the US and personally involved with Bush.
the Gulf War, in the guise of a "Kurd safe haven," the CIA created a
protectorate and base for covert activities designed to destabilize the Iraqi
regime, while allowing the suppression of Kurds and Muslims to continue
simultaneously. Under George H.W. Bush, the CIA reportedly spent $20 million in
anti-Saddam propaganda, and at least $11 million in aid to a number of Iraqi and
Kurd opposition groups.
Al-Kurdi points out: "It was clear from the beginning that the 'safe haven'
was an operation to provide 'cover' for CIA operations against Iraq and Turkish
crackdowns on Kurds-not 'comfort,' as its official designation implied. A state
of dependence was reinforced in which the 'providers' could keep their Kurdish
puppets on short strings."
Shi'ite Muslims in southern Iraq staged a revolt against Saddam in the spring of
1991 under the watchful eye of the CIA, the Bush I administration permitted
Saddam's Iraqi troops to crush the revolt. To prevent a popular Islamic movement
within Iraq (one that could threaten western oil interests and business
interests), Bush did nothing as his former partner and vanquished foe crushed
Saddam Hussein alive but neutered (via sanctions, no-fly zones, etc.) allowed
the US to keep military forces in Saudi Arabia, while plans for an eventual Iraq
regime change were debated. In the meantime, the rebuilding of Iraq, and various
forms of covert trade, was lucrative to a number of western corporations (such
as Halliburton, General Electric and others). The black market was also means of
control. "By turning a blind eye to smuggled oil," writes former CIA
operative Robert Baer in his book See No Evil, "the US managed to turn the
Kurdish opposition against itself even as it helped Saddam pay for his
praetorian guard, just what you'd expect of a clever superpower that was
secretly supporting the local despot."
the mid-1990s, the Clinton-era CIA began pursuing two primary strategies against
Saddam. One involved a military operation involving a popular insurrection led
Iraqi National Congress (INC) and Kurdish paramilitaries. The second strategy
focused on a "palace coup" by the CIA-British MI6-created Iraqi
National Accord (INA), a group of former Iraqi military officers based out of
London. Disguised as "humanitarian aid," the US government's
"Operation Provide Comfort" served as a cover for these and other
1994, the INC led an insurrection from a base in Iraqi Kurdistan with CIA
backing. In March 1995, the CIA assisted a combined INC-Kurdish operation to
capture the cities of Mosul and Kirkuk, and a simultaneous rebellion by Iraqi
troops. Without US support, the operation fell apart, allowing Saddam Hussein's
forces to invaded the safe haven and destroy the opposition. Some 130 INC
members were executed. The Clinton administration's last minute pullout
infuriated the CIA.
cover up their policy blunder in northern Iraq, the Clinton administration fired
cruise missiles into southern Iraq. The UN Security Council resumed the
CIA's efforts throughout the 1990s, which resulted in a handful of uprisings,
assassination attempts (the CIA and British MI6 plotted to assassinate Saddam
Hussein in 1995), failed due to infighting among Kurdish opposition groups,
security leaks and betrayals, and bickering between hawkish elements within the
CIA and the Clinton White House.
W. Bush Unleashes Hell
seizing power, George W. Bush promised to fully implement the Iraq Liberation
Act, which was enacted by Congress and signed by Clinton in 1998, but treated
cautiously by a Clinton administration not prepared to unleash a Middle East
early 2002, Bush (who had boasted during his presidential campaign that he would
"take out Saddam") gave the CIA and US Special Forces the authority to
use lethal force and "all available resources" to kill or capture
Saddam Hussein, and conduct covert operations aimed at toppling his regime. This
executive order called for increased support to Iraqi opposition groups (money,
training, intelligence and equipment) and a ramping up of CIA intelligence
collection within Iraq.
officials have worked continuously with the Iraqi opposition throughout 2002.
Former Iraqi officers met in March 2002 at a Washington military installation to
discuss plans to topple Saddam Hussein and form a post-Saddam government.
In April 2002, Kurdish leaders traveled to Frankfurt, Germany, and then to a CIA
training base in southern Virginia to discuss coup strategies. In June,
according to the Scotsman, local Kurdistan sources reported that "US and UK
troops have already started installing communications equipment in the
Sulaimaniya province in the Kurdish region of Iraq."
Between July 12 and15, 2002, some 70 exiled Iraqi military officers and leaders
of various Iraqi opposition groups met at an undisclosed location near London to
plan a new revolt to overthrow Saddam Hussein by force, and to call for a major
role in the upcoming US operation, along with military aid (training and
equipping of fighters). Heading this meeting was the Iraqi National Congress,
the umbrella opposition group with close ties to exiled Iraqi military officers
and the CIA.
In August, officials from six different Iraqi opposition groups met in
Washington at the request of a "joint invitation" from the Defense
Department and the State Department. Attending this summit meeting:
Grossman, undersecretary of state for political affairs
Feith, undersecretary of defense
Cheney (via video conference, from Wyoming)
Myers, Chairman of the Joint Chiefs
Chalabi (Iraqi National Congress)
Talabani (Patriotic Union of Kurdistan)
General Tawfiq al-Yassiri (Iraqi National Coalition)
Zebari, aide to Massoud Barzani (Kurdish Democratic Party)
Allawi (Iraqi National Accord)
Ali Bin Hussein Constitutional Monarchy Party
Al-Hakim brother of SCIRI leader Muhammad Bakr al-Hakim
General Saad Obeidi, former head of Iraqi psychological warfare
Hassan of Jordan, the uncle of King Abdullah of Jordan.
In another mid-August meeting, according to Knight-Ridder, "top US
officials and members of the Iraqi opposition plotted the details of a
post-Saddam government in Iraq, right down to the number of seats in the
"Dozens of US troops and intelligence services have been sent into northern
Iraq" according to Agence France-Presse (10/12/02). CIA chief George Tenet
had "personally visited northern Iraq during his last tour of the region
and had given orders to start the security plan after US President George W.
Bush approved a decision to ask the CIA to overthrow Saddam." Jordanian
King Abdullah was given orders to clear two military airports in Jordan for US
forces. About 2,000 US troops have been deployed in Jordan so far. Dozens of
these US soldiers, along with CIA agents, have been sent into Iraq territory.
Are the Opposition Groups?
National Congress (INC)
Iraqi National Congress, a coalition of Iraqi royalists, Kurds, and Iraqi Sunni
and Shi'ite Muslims, is a creation of the CIA. The group was formed in 1992 when
the two main Kurdish factions, the Kurdistan Democratic Party (KDP) and the
Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), participated in a meeting which was the
first major attempt by anti-Saddam factions to join forces. The group was
provided with its name by CIA and has received over $100 million in covert
funding throughout the early 1990s, then received overt funding after the 1998
Iraq Liberation Act was signed. It currently receives $8 million annually from
the US government. The CIA has, among other things, funded the INC's radio and
television stations in northern Iraq.
INC is headed by American-educated Ahmed Chalabi, a close friend of Dick Cheney,
whom some have pegged as "Cheney's protégé." He enjoys close ties to
the American Enterprise Institute and has attended the think tank's retreats in
Beaver Creek, Colorado.
fleeing Iraq in the wake of the INC's failed coup in 1995, Chalabi co-signed,
with 40 "prominent Americans," an open letter to President Clinton in
1998 that later became the Iraqi Liberation Act of 1998.
of the letter included current Vice President and former Defense Secretary Dick
Cheney, Richard Perle, current Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz, current
Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld, former Defense Secretary and Iran-Contra
participant Caspar Weinberger, former Defense Secretary Frank Carlucci, current
Defense Undersecretary Douglas Feith, and current Deputy Secretary of State and
Iran-Contra participant Richard Armitage.
is an exiled Shi'ite banker and a felon. In the early 1990s, Chalabi was
convicted for money laundering in Jordan, and has reportedly "lost" $4
million in funds obtained from Washington. He hails from a wealthy Iraqi Shi'ite
banking family and has a doctorate in mathematics from the University of
a period following the Gulf War in which the INC received some $15 million to
$100 million in funding from Washington, Chalabi fell out of favor among certain
elements of the CIA and Clinton administration.
US State Department temporarily halted aid to the INC after the INC attempted to
scuttle a State Department-sponsored conference of Iraqi exiles that did not
include the INC. When George W. Bush seized power in January 2001, INC funding
resumed. Currently, the INC receives $8 million annually.
"End Game"' strategy papers have circulated throughout Washington and
received attention from various think tanks for a decade. This plan involves a
popular revolt and a military coup, carried out by Kurdish factions and Iraqi
dissidents, using US weapons.
September 11, 2001, Chalabi has lobbied a new battle plan, featuring a firebase
inside Iraq, declaration of a provisional government (with quick US recognition,
no doubt), recruitment among Iraq's Shi'a Muslims, heavy US bombing and the
deployment of thousands of US Special Forces. This plan also calls for military
assistance from Iran. Based on promises of funding from the US Treasury's
Department of the Office of Foreign Assets Control, the Khatami regime in Iran
agreed to permit INC forces to cross the Iranian border into southern Iraq.
a February 2002 interview with the Guardian of London, Chalabi said that
"all he needed was '11 weeks of training for his followers, anti-tank
weapons, air cover, the support of Special Forces and some protective gear
against chemical or biological attack.' Once these needs were met, he claimed,
his forces would be ready to cross the Kuwait border into the Basra region and
organize mass resistance. His position would be protected by US air power, which
would presumably clear a path for him and his army to Baghdad."
Washington's general support of the INC as a "democratic alternative"
through the years, top US officials have doubted the INC's limited military
expertise, as well as its ability to maintain a government in the wake of a
coup. Chalabi's INC-PUK-KDP effort failed in 1995, forcing him to move his
operational base to London.
is another reason why Chalabi is favored in Washington: oil. The INC proposes
the creation of a consortium of American companies to develop Iraq's oil fields.
According to the San Francisco Chronicle (9/29/02), "Chalabi has stated
that should the INC lead a new Iraqi government, it would be the US oil
companies that would get the contracts. Russian and French companies would be
junior partners at best."
Group of Four and the Kurdish opposition
Group of Four consists of the Iraqi National Accord (INA, or Waffik), the
Kurdish Democratic Party (KDP), The Patriotic Union of Kurdistan (PUK), and the
Supreme Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI).
reported by Al-Kurdi, the two main Kurdish groups, led by the PUK and KDP have
"fearsome security agencies which carry out death-squad style repression
against Kurds who oppose them. Both parties have earned the disgust of Kurds
with their gangster-like operations in the safe haven."
is estimated that the KDP and PUK have a combined force of up to 40,000 to
70,000 fighters. Since the 1990s, the two main groups have at times fought
against each other in their respective bids to control the proceeds of smuggling
and other economic activities, while ferociously repressing the Kurdish
population in the process.
to the New York Times (7/6/02), "Kurdish leaders are riven by internal
disputes and have yet to come to any agreement with the CIA to allow American
intelligence officers, special forces trainers or diplomats to set up camp
there." They are reluctant to support a US operation "unless they get
strong guarantees that the Bush administration plans to go all the way to
Baghdad" and the Kurdish cities are protected from an Iraqi onslaught.
National Accord (INA)
Iraqi National Accord was founded in 1990 and is a creation of the CIA, the
British MI6 and Jordanian intelligence, on the initiative of Turki ibn Faisal.
Former CIA agent Ralph McGehee confirmed that "the INA is heavily sponsored
by the United States and under the influence of the CIA" and quoted another
Iraqi opposition figure as saying that "it is common knowledge among Iraqi
dissidents that the Accord is directly financed by the CIA." The INA is
headed by Shi'ite Ayad Alawi.
INA seeks to bring down Saddam Hussein using former Iraqi officers and top
Baghdad officials, while preserving the Iraqi state. They are terrorists, who
have claimed responsibility for the bombing of civilian targets, including a
Baghdad cinema and newspaper offices. According to INA insiders, these
activities were carried out in order to "impress the CIA."
to the Federation of American Scientists, Saddam Hussein's son-in-law Husayn
Kamil al-Majid (an architect of Iraq's weapons of mass destruction programs),
defected to Jordan" to work with the INA, which suggested to many in the
region that Saddam's grip on power had weakened. But in June 1996, the INA coup
was exposed, leading to the arrest of 100 INA officers, and the execution of 30
others. The INA was able to regroup after this debacle, with support from
Democratic Party (KDP)
founder, Mulla Mustafa Barzani, worked for CIA as early as the 1960s. "A
secret agreement was reached between the CIA and Mulla Mustafa Barzani in August
1969. In the 1970s, the KDP battled the Iraqi government at the behest of Iran,
Israel and the US. The elder Barzani was a staunch US ally, who promised to turn
Iraqi oil fields over to the US. After Iran and Iraq came to terms, spelling the
end of the need for the KDP rebellion, Barzani wound up living in exile in the
US, where he died in 1979. The KDP is currently led by Massoud Barzani, the son
of the founder.
seeks to form a Kurdish state in northern Iraq, while maintaining control of the
Kirkuk oil field. The group has feuded with its rival, the PUK, over a variety
of issues, such as oil smuggling revenues. This conflict continued throughout
the mid-1990s. Barzani's contempt for Jalal Talabani and the PUK was so strong
that he helped Saddam Hussein crush the PUK and push the INC out in the late
did not attend a number of critical Bush-Iraqi opposition summit meetings in
Washington, despite being offered a private plane (to fly him from southeastern
Turkey, and a personal visit with Bush. His absence, according to the New York
Times (8/15/02) was "a blow to Bush administration officials who had
orchestrated the meeting in part to demonstrate that Iraqi opposition forces
were unified behind a new campaign."
was upset over the Bush administration's refusal to provide assurances that it
would protect Kurdish areas from a pre-emptive Iraqi attack. Dick Cheney
reportedly gave a typically ambiguous non-answer: "US forces would respond
at a time and place of its choosing." The subsequently-penned Cheney-Wolfowitz
"Hashemite" plan addresses some of Barzani's concerns.
Union of Kurdistan (PUK)
PUK was established in the 1960s by its current leader, Jalal Talabani, a former
member of the KDP. A master opportunist, he has earned a reputation as
"everybody's agent." PUK's primary goal is the removal of Saddam
Hussein, and the establishment of a Kurdish state.
to Al-Kurdi, the PUK "posits a 'modern' approach to Kurdish politics,
cooking Kurdish interests in every conceivable sauce, with flavors meant to
edify and attract supporters among the governments of Israel, Saudi Arabia,
Iran, Turkey, the United States, and a host of others. The PUK leader Talabani
has openly courted Israel, the United States, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Saddam Hussein
and Turkey, entering in a variety of "understandings" with all of
these states in recent times."
Council of the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI)
SCIRI consists of southern Iraqi Shi'ites and is backed by Iran. Its guerrilla
force numbers between 7,000 and 15,000. Ayatollah Mohammad Bakr al-Hakkim heads
group is opposed to a US invasion of Iraq, but will support an internal
US-assisted operation to topple Saddam, and a one-year transitional government
followed by elections.
al-Harari, Lebanon representative of SCIRI, said in an interview with Reuters in
July 2002, "any military action must be in the hands of the Iraqis, not in
foreign hands from abroad" and that the group opposes an attack that causes
"unnecessary suffering among the Iraqi people."
SCIRI was selected by the US for funding through the Iraq Liberation Act of
1998, but the group refused.
addition to the main groups, there are another 60 smaller Iraqi opposition
groups and scores of individuals involved in anti-Saddam activities, many of
whom have ties to the CIA. According to the New York Times (August 18, 2002),
they include Nizar al-Khazraji, who assisted in the poison gassing of Iran
during the late 1980s, aided by the Reagan and George H.W. Bush administrations.
National Liberal (INL) is an opposition group made up of other exiled former
Iraqi military officers. According to the Center for Cooperative Research, the
INL has recently attempted to recruit General Nizar al-Kharraji, who is under
investigation in Denmark for the 1988 slaughter of 100,000 Kurds.
National Movement (INM) was established in 2001, a Sunni-dominated INC splinter
group comprised of up to 100 former military officers and political officials.
The group recently met with Wayne Downing, the US Deputy National Security
Adviser for Combatting Terrorism. Subsequently, the State Department authorized
$315,000 to the group.
National Coalition (or Iraqi National Council) is an umbrella group founded in
2000 by former Iraqi military officers headed by former Brigadier Tawfiq al-Yasiri,
head of Iraq's military academy, and General Saad Ubeidi, former head of Iraqi
army psychological operations. This group favors an uprising triggered by US air
strikes, but opposes a US invasion.
former CIA Official Describes the Iraqi/Kurd Opposition
a posted Internet discussion about CIA operations in Iraq from the late 1990s,
Ralph W. McGehee, former CIA agent and longtime critic of the agency, said that
the "gung-ho" attitude of then-CIA Director John Deutch and his
Director of Operations, David Cohen, was also "reflected in the chain of
command via the Chief of Division of Near East Operations and the CIA's Iraqi
Chief of Station, 'Bob.'"
referred to former CIA case officer Robert Baer, agent in charge in Iraq during
that period, whose book, "See No Evil," contains a 42-page firsthand
account of the CIA's Clinton-era coup attempts against Saddam, and detailed
observations of the INC, PUK and KDP.
memoir is a biased work that portrays the CIA as a "defanged" and
"dispirited" institution that lacks sufficient "human
sources." The disgruntled Baer is an advocate for a return to the
"good old days" of unrestrained clandestine operations conducted by
Americans. Besides overlooking the effectiveness of "outsourcing" to
non-American assets and affiliated branches, such as the Pakistani ISI, and new
spy technology, Baer's charge is contradicted by the statements of CIA
officials, including CIA Deputy Director James Pavitt, who bragged "I have
more spies stealing more secrets than at any time in the history of the
CIA." Baer's book is, however, useful primarily for its revealing and
unintentionally damning anecdotes:
the CIA and US government support for a Iraq coup:
wasn't running a rogue CIA operation that the National Security Council didn't
know about. (Anthony) Lake's assistant for the Near East, Martin Indyk,
personally authorized the CIA to set up a clandestine base in northern Iraq, the
one I now headed."
want Saddam out. It's the Iraqi people who've kept him in power all these
years,' I said."
only beacon I had to go by was what I understood American policy to be: that we
would support any serious movement to get rid of Saddam Hussein. Those were my
orders as I understood them [my emphasis-LC], the reason I had brought my team
into northern Iraq. And I took my orders seriously."
long afterward, Saddam started trading oil for food, which eased the suffering
inside Iraq, just enough to stem the tide of defections from his army. So if we
want him out now, it will probably take a war, not a coup.[my
Ahmed Chalabi (INC):
across the lobby of the Key Bridge Marriott in his Saville Row suit, $150
Italian silk tie and hand-stitched calfskin oxfords, he looked more like the
successful Levantine banker he once had been than like someone who was going to
ride into Baghdad on the top of a tank. Short and overweight, his body showed
the side effects of too many long business lunches at first-class European
restaurants. When he shook my hand, I picked up the faint smell of scented soap.
As incongruous as Chalabi's appearance was, his resume offered even less promise
that he might one day lead a successful Iraqi opposition. . . . Outside of Iraq,
Chalabi was a felon; inside he remained almost completely unknown."
had produced a lengthy position paper entitled 'End Game' on how to jump-start
the March 1991 uprisings, when the Shi'as and Kurds had taken advantage of the
end of the Gulf War to try to wrest power from Saddam. The paper had been well
shopped around Washington by the time Chalabi presented me with a copy-at a
sushi restaurant in Georgetown, two days after our first meeting-but if the
thinking wasn't particularly new, 'End Game' did help him stand out in the
responding to Chalabi's question about Washington support for an INC-led
insurrection) "'Schedule one and then ask,' I answered."
Masoud Barzani (KPP):
it came to convincing the Kurds to join the uprising, the hardest nut to crack
was Barzani. My own relations with Barzani went sour from the start . . . Once
when I told (Barzani) that the US was fed up with the Kurds and would abandon
the north one day, Barzani lost his temper. He walked over to where I was
sitting, pointed his index finger at me and hissed through his clenched teeth,
'Don't threaten me.'"
Provide Comfort, the air protection provided by American planes, came free of
charge-the US almost never attempted to interfere in his (Barzani's) affairs-and
by late 1994, Barzani had a nice little business in smuggled Iraqi oil."
Iraqi oil smuggling:
smuggled oil was also a lifeline for Saddam, who used the money to fund his
intelligence services and Special Republican Guards-the forces that kept him
alive. Indeed everyone seemed to profit from smuggling except Talabani, who
wasn't getting a penny because no part of the smuggling route passed through his
corner of Kurdistan. With Barzani accumulating money in his war chest, smuggled
oil began to dangerously destabilize the north. You only had to drive a few
miles into the north to understand the dimensions of the smuggling operations.
Trucks carrying oil were lined up bumper to bumper, often for as long as twenty
miles, waiting to cross into Turkey."
knew all about the smuggling, but pretended it wasn't happening. As far as I
know, neither the State Department nor our embassy in Ankara ever challenged
Turkey, which could have shut down the whole operation with a single phone
I couldn't understand was why the White House didn't intervene. All it had to do
was ask Saudi Arabia to sell Turkey a hundred thousand barrels of discounted
oil. It was almost as if the White House wanted Saddam to have a little
walking-around money. [my emphasis-LC]"
Jalal Talabani (PUK):
enjoyed the role of a likeable rogue. Talabani was an Iraqi nationalist. He
believed that the Kurds should have a degree of autonomy but he didn't want to
see Iraq partitioned among its ethnic groups. Unlike Barzani, Talabani seemed to
genuinely want Saddam gone and was ready to make any sacrifice to accomplish
a Matter of If, But When?
it is not clear how the war and "erasure" of Iraq will actually be
conducted, the brazen Cheney-Wolfowitz "Hashemite" plan appears to
remove many of the previous obstacles in the way of "regime removal."
The establishment of an autonomous Kurdish state will appease the KDP and PUK.
Having US surrogates, Jordan and Kuwait, in charge of the two remaining portions
of the territory ensures "stability"-US control-over the most
important oil spoils.
goes without saying that any such "operation" will involve political
and ethnic cleansing, atrocities and widespread destruction, trigger a widening
conflict across the entire Middle East into Central Asia, and threaten humanity
to the dismay of the Washington war lobby, last-minute opposition outside of the
US has intensified, and civil unrest in the Middle East, including key US
military launching points, such as Qatar, may force the Bush administration to
resort to desperate (likely violent) measures to get their war started.
kind of people would open such a pandora's box?
The CIA and the Cult of Intelligence, Victor Marchetti and John D. Marks wrote,
"Despite occasional dreams of grandeur on the part of some of its
clandestine operators, the CIA does not on its own choose to overthrow
distasteful governments or determine which dictatorial regimes to support. The
agency's methods and assets are a resource that come with the office of the
Chin is a freelance journalist and an Online Journal Contributing Editor.