Latin America
Bolivia:
revolutionary crisis reaches its peak
By Jorge Martin
From AxisofLogic.com
On
Tuesday, May 31 a series of marches and demonstrations with people
numbering in the tens of thousands surrounded the Bolivian Parliament. On
the third week of protests, demonstrations and roadblocks, as many as
100,000 workers, miners, peasants, the people of El Alto, and teachers,
etc. vented their anger in central La Paz. This was the day in which
Parliament was supposed to resume its session. The masses of workers and
peasants were not just there to put pressure on the parliamentarians but
rather to ensure the fulfilment of their main demand: the nationalisation
of Bolivia’s hydrocarbons.
The
current revolutionary wave in Bolivia started four weeks ago when
Parliament passed a Hydrocarbons Law increasing taxes and royalties. This
law was too much for the multinationals but too little for the mass
movement of workers and peasants, a movement which has struggled for
nationalisation since October 2003. At that time they managed to overthrow
the president, Sanchez de Lozada, but since the leaders of the movement
had no clear alternative, Lozada was replaced by the vice president Mesa.
Over the last year and a half, Mesa has been trying to manoeuvre between
the interests of the oligarchy and the multinationals on one side and the
formidable pressure from the mass movement on the other. The Hydrocarbons
Law passed at the beginning of May was a recognition of his impotence and
inability to reconcile these irreconcilable interests.
Even
the leaders of the MAS, who have been the main point of support for the
Mesa government, were forced by thousands of peasants to call for
demonstrations and a march to the capital La Paz, 190 km away. On May 23,
the peasant marchers arrived in
La Paz
and joined with the people of El Alto (who have been on an indefinite
strike since then), the miners (who cancelled their union congress to join
the protest), the La
Paz urban and rural
teachers (also on strike), the students from the El Alto Public
University, and others. The leader of the MAS, Ramon Loayza had to admit
that they had been “surpassed by the ranks” and gave Parliament four days
to nationalise natural gas reserves and convene a Constituent Assembly. If
this was not done he threatened that, “we will close down Parliament”.
On the
other hand, the oligarchy threatened
Mesa
by saying that they would declare unilateral “autonomy” referendums in the
Eastern regions of the country (Tarija,
Santa Cruz, etc). They
calculate that by doing this they will be able to reach their own separate
deals with the multinationals for the exploitation of the gas reserves,
which are mainly located in these regions.
Suspended in mid-air, opposed by the mass movement of workers and
peasants, and by the main representatives of the ruling class, Mesa has
been trying to cultivate the army in the last few days. In a speech to the
Armed Forces he defended their right not to submit themselves to civilian
tribunals in relation to the workers and peasants killed in the uprisings
of February and October 2003. He also reminded everyone that the President
has the right to use the army. But even within the army the situation is
not clear for Mesa. Last week, two high ranking officers made a public
statement calling for the resignation of Mesa, for the nationalisation of
natural gas and the formation of a “people’s government”.
This
stalemate between the classes, where the real power is in the streets, was
graphically shown by the events on May 31. Parliament was supposed to
start its session at midday. Very few MPs made it to the parliament
building. MPs from
Santa Cruz and the
other Eastern regions refused to go to the session unless there was a
prior agreement to recognise the “autonomy” referendums they are calling
on August 12. The president of the Parliament, Vaca Diez, who is firmly
aligned with the interests of the ruling class, and proposed by some as a
replacement for the increasingly weak Mesa, was there only for a few
minutes and then left, never to return.
Meanwhile, the leaders of the MAS were accusing the right-wing fraction of
parliament of trying to organise a coup with Vaca Diez at its head. Evo
Morales has always played the card of attaining power within the limits of
discredited capitalist democracy, and is very keen to get Parliament to
call a Constituent Assembly. This is in fact something that Mesa would be
keen to do, as a way of demobilising a large section of the protestors. If
Parliament were to pass a law calling a Constituent Assembly, Morales and
the MAS leaders would immediately call on their supporters to go back
home. Mesa would be comfortable with such an outcome, since it would
demobilise the mass movement (or so he calculates) without him having to
make any concessions on the main demand of the masses: the nationalisation
of hydrocarbons.
Yesterday, Evo Morales went so far as to personally guarantee the safety
of all members of parliament who were willing to take part in the session.
In an attempt to square the circle, he tried to convince the oligarchy
that the calling of a Constituent Assembly did not contradict their wishes
for regional autonomy. In fact, for the mass of peasants who still follow
the leaders of the MAS (and many of them are now further to the left of
the leadership), if the Constituent Assembly means anything it means
precisely the nationalisation of gas, and power in the hands of the
people, the workers and peasants. For the Eastern oligarchs, “autonomy”
means control over the gas resources so that they can sell them to the
multinationals. How can these two conflicting interests be reconciled?
While
the mass of workers and peasants are surrounding Parliament trying to
close it down, Evo Morales and the leaders of the MAS are trying to shore
up a discredited capitalist parliament, which not even the ruling class
itself is very keen on anymore! Jaime Solares, leader of the Bolivian
Workers Union, the COB, threatened that if parliament would not agree to
nationalise gas, then they would “burn down parliament”. In the end the
parliamentary session ended very late at night with only 66 out of its 157
members present. They were not able to reach agreement on anything.
Mesa is
in fact suspended in mid-air. He accused COB leader Jaime Solares and one
of the leaders of the Regional Workers Federation of El Alto, Roberto de
la Cruz, of subversion and conspiring to overthrow the government, but was
completely unable to have them arrested. At this particular moment it is
unlikely that he can use the army against the masses, since, like in
October 2003, this would further radicalise the movement and precipitate
his own downfall (quite apart from the fact that it is not clear whether
the army would follow such an order).
Real
power is in fact in the hands of the masses of workers and peasants in the
streets. Even the bourgeois parliament can only meet with the permission
of the masses that surround it. The main problem now, like in October
2003, is not the strength of the mass movement (which is growing as the
general strike and road blockades spread throughout the country) or its
willingness to go all the way. The only factor that is missing is a
leadership with a clear strategy of how to take power. In October 2003 the
miners, workers and peasants surrounded Parliament and brought down the
government. But their leaders (Solares and Quispe at that time) did not
know what to do next, did not have a clear idea of what to replace the
bourgeois Parliament with, and power slipped through their fingers back to
Mesa. The moment was lost. Now the masses have gone through the experience
of the Mesa government. Important sections of the movement (the workers,
the trade unions, the people of El Alto) have already made it clear that
they are fighting for a “workers’ and peasants’ government”. Even those,
mainly the peasants led by the MAS who support the convening of a
Constituent Assembly, see this as some form of government of the peasants
and workers, where they will make the decisions.
The
crucial question is, what next for the workers’ movement? The main slogan
should be for the calling of a Revolutionary People’s Assembly, composed
of elected representatives of all trade unions, peasant organisations,
neighbourhood organisations, etc, and that this Assembly take power into
its own hands. This is the only strategy that can offer a way forward at
this particular time.
Bolivian capitalism is in such a crisis that normal bourgeois democratic
rule can no longer contain the revolutionary movement of the masses.
Either the workers and peasants take power into their own hands or the
ruling class will use one trick or another to take back power and smash
the movement in the most brutal fashion.
June 1,
2005
See
also:
-
Bolivia faces a new revolutionary wave
By Jorge Martin (May 25, 2005)
-
Bolivia: Faced with the reactionary
offensive of Mesa, a revolutionary offensive of workers and peasants is
needed By Aníbal Montoya (March 11, 2005)
-
Bolivia: University revolt in Oruro -
Students and workers join hands By Ramon Sanchez (September
12, 2004)
-
The gas referendum in Bolivia – a dirty
trick By Ramon Sanchez, (July 19, 2004)
-
Bolivia: The beginning of the end for Mesa?
By Jorge Martín (April 26, 2004)
-
Bolivia: a Marxist cadre organisation is
needed (March 22, 2004)
-
Bolivia is moving towards a third uprising
By Jorge Martín (January 29, 2004)
-
The beginning of the second Bolivian
revolution (December 2003)
-
Mesa's government shows its real face -
Only a workers' and peasants' government with a genuine socialist
programme can serve the people By Miguel Campos (November 18,
2003)
-
Bolivia: The key to the Andean revolution
By Alan Woods and Jorge Martín (October 22, 2003)
Also see
Series on Bolivia by
Axis of Logic columnist, Carlos Herrera
Reposted by
Bulatlat
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