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Vol. V, No. 30      September 4 - 10, 2005      Quezon City, Philippines

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CRISIS OF THE ARROYO REGIME

Why the Impeachment Complaint Will Still Prosper
Legal and constitutional basis for reviving the impeachment against Arroyo

The House exceeded its jurisdiction when it usurped what is rightfully a decision reserved for the Senate trial court. The task of the House is to merely initiate the impeachment case—finding whether it is sufficient in form and substance, not on whether a complaint is a second or third complaint.

By the Counsels for the Defense of Liberties (CODAL)
Posted by Bulatlat

BACKGROUND

The House Committee on Justice found the Lozano Complaint sufficient in form but insufficient in substance, 31 August 2005. Although the Lozano complaint was not verified as required in the Constitution and the Rules of Impeachment of the 13th Congress, the Committee declared that because Lozano is a lawyer, he is bound by his lawyer's oath to tell the truth and therefore there is no need to verify the complaint. Furthermore, since he is the complainant himself, there is no need to verify the same.

On the other hand, the Committee on Justice  found the Lozano complaint insufficient in substance because it charges offenses committed before the current `term' of President Arroyo (having been committed before her term started on June 30, 2004)  and that the Lozano complaint is based on the Garci tapes  which is inadmissible in evidence.

It must be noted that, while the Majority portrayed themselves as strict constitutionalist in dismissing the Amended Complaint they were leniently `extra-constitutionalist' in finding the Lozano complaint properly verified, and therefore sufficient in form, in violation of the requirements of the House Rules and the Constitution.  The basis of their decision in finding the Lozano Complaint insufficient in substance, is neither strict or lenient— because it simply was not based on any rule or law.

I.      Is the Lozano Complaint sufficient in form even if it was not verified as required by the House Rules?

       No, it was not sufficient in form.

RULE II SECTION 2 of the House Rules on Impeachment requires that for an impeachment proceedings to be `initiated' the Complaint must be verified.

Section 2.  Mode of Initiating Impeachment.  - Impeachment shall be initiated by the filing and subsequent referral to the Committee on Justice of:

(a)     a verified  complaint for impeachment filed  by  any Member  of  the  House of Representatives or;

(b)     a verified  complaint filed by  any citizen upon  a resolution  of endorsement by any Member thereof; or

(c)     a verified complaint or resolution of impeachment filed by at least one-third (1/3) of all the Members of the House.

Verification is when the author of the pleading or the complainant attests that: S/he prepared the complaint, and the contents thereof are `true and correct' of his or her `own personal knowledge' and based on `authentic or official documents/records'. Lozano did not declare this in his complaint. Therefore his complaint is not verified.

Can you use `interpretation' or `construction' in this case?   The majority themselves have repeatedly declared during the debates, using a Supreme Court rule, that when the `rules or the law is clear, there is no room for interpreting or construction'.  In this case the rule is clear: it must be verified in order for an impeachment complaint to be initiated, but the Committee stretched the definition of what is verified to accommodate the complaint.  It was not verified, but the Committee found it sufficient in form. In fact, without the verified Amended Complaint which cured the Lozano Complaint's defects, no impeachment proceedings were initiated.

Another Supreme Court jurisprudence comes into play: `When the rule or the law does not distinguish, one should not distinguish' and supplant the letter and intent of that particular rule or law.  The Constitution and the Rules said a complaint must be verified—it did not provide that lawyers or complainants are exempted.  The Justice Committee, therefore, cannot exempt.  They cannot distinguish. Declaring that the Lozano complaint is verified merely because he is the complainant and a lawyer at that, is clearly without legal and constitutional basis.

It was, however, difficult for the Justice Committee to dismiss the Lozano Complaint for insufficiency in form.  They have just previously dismissed the Amended Complaint because the Lozano complaint was `initiated' first.  Dismissing the Lozano complaint on form insufficiency is tantamount to calling the Amended complaint `a second complaint' to a first complaint which was, in the end, not a complaint at all as required by the Rules.

II.     Is the Lozano complaint insufficient in substance because it dealt with an offense which happened outside the current term of President Arroyo and also uses `evidence' that is inadmissible?  No, these bases are practically non-existent.

Firstly, the rule does not require the Justice Committee to go beyond what is required to establish substance. The 13th Congress' Impeachment Rules declare that substance is met if `there is a recital of facts constituting the offense charged and determinative of the jurisdiction of the Committee'.  This merely means that the complaint must allege facts, which if true, would constitute impeachable offenses.  There is no room for debating whether the facts are true or not, as this is not the stage where guilt and innocence are established.

The Lozano complaint alleges, inter alia, that President Arroyo committed the impeachable offense of betrayal of public trust when she talked with a Comelec official and further, she committed electoral fraud as evidenced by the Garci tapes.

The Justice Committee should, therefore, merely judge whether electoral fraud, if true, constitutes an impeachable offense—without looking into whether the evidence that will back up this allegation is admissible since such is a matter of defense for Pres. Arroyo to raise and for the Senate to decide.   Even if the Justice Committee will not agree that a candidate talking with a Comelec official she appointed and may reappoint, constitutes a betrayal of public trust, the allegation of electoral fraud is sufficient for the Lozano complaint to pass substance.  Electoral fraud is certainly an impeachable offense.

Secondly, electoral fraud is a betrayal of public trust as it violates the oath of office of the Pres. Arroyo and the principle that public office is a public trust.  Furthermore, the Framers of the 1987 Constitution have declared that electoral fraud is part of the impeachable offense of betrayal of public trust.   The Constitutional Commission debated the proposal of Commissioner Blas Ople to add the impeachable offense of `manifest and gross disregard of the popular will' through "massive election frauds" (Constitutional Commission Journal II, page 24, 28 July 1986).  The Commission decided that massive electoral fraud is already encompassed by "betrayal of public trust".

Mr. Sarmiento   :  My humble opinion, x x x  is that the words "Manifest and gross disregard of the popular will' is included in the catch-all provisions betrayal of public trust and violation of the Constitution.

Mr. Ople                : I grant that, x x x

Mr. Ople                : Is it also the intention of the Commission to make this    offense part of `betrayal of public trust", which is the latest ground for   impeachment adduced in the provision?

Mr. Monsod      : Madam President, the Committee agrees with the opinions of Comms. Concepcion and Bernas that the phrase `manifest and gross disregard of the popular will is more limiting and, secondly, this offense could be considered embraced in the other grounds for impeachment. . .

The President (Munoz-Palma): So, for the record, the first proposed amendment is withdrawn?

Mr. Ople        : Yes, on that understanding, which I hope the record of this debate will very clearly register x x x.

Electoral fraud is therefore, an impeachable offense if committed by the President or vice president etc.  The Justice Committee interpretation, however, (that the President cannot be charged for acts committed before her term of office) makes it impossible for the President to commit betrayal of public trust through electoral fraud because this can only be committed by any president (or any public official for that matter), before their term—elections happen before the start of the term of a public official.  Also, under the Justice Committee interpretation, if the President committed electoral fraud at the end of her term, then she may  no longer be impeached as her term is about to end anyway. The Constitution did not contemplate this absurdity, which is tantamount to exempting public officials from impeachment for electoral fraud.

Lastly, Fr. Bernas expounded that since the penalty of impeachment is removal and disqualification from holding a public office, the period within which the fraud was committed is of no moment. If Pres. Arroyo were found guilty by an impeachment trial for electoral fraud during her first `term' she would have been disqualified anyway, which is no graver than if she were found guilty under her second term and thereby also removed from office.

The jurisprudence on re-election interpreted as the electorates' `forgiveness' of an erring public official (Gov. Rodolfo Aguinaldo case, etc) is not applicable.  These public officials committed acts, other than electoral fraud such as administrative violations or launching a coup.  In this case, Pres. Arroyo committed the crime which is the very heart of the act of `forgiveness'—electoral fraud.  How can we say that her re-election absolved her of her crimes when her re-election itself is the crime.

III.    Can the 1/3 vote in plenary overturn the dismissal of the Amended Complaint ?

Yes, it can.  The Committee can dismiss any or all complaints via majority vote and subsequently report such dismissal to the Plenary.  The Constitution states that the Committee Report can be reversed by 1/3 of all the members of the House. Therefore, the 1/3 can reverse all or any part of the Committee report. Seventy-nine (79) members of the House therefore can reverse any Committee decision, draft the Articles of Impeachment or transmit/endorse the Amended Complaint (which includes the Lozano Complaint) to the Senate. The Committee has to include in their report the DISMISSAL of the Amended Complaint. Why? Because it was referred to the Committee by the Plenary, and the Committee is duty bound to report
its dismissal of the same.

Whether or not the Amended Complaint is a second complaint, is a matter of defense that may be raised by President Arroyo in the Senate. President Arroyo may even waive that defense if she prefers to have her day in court and answer the Complaint. The House exceeded its jurisdiction when it usurped what is rightfully a decision reserved for the Senate trial court. The task of the House is to merely initiate the impeachment case—finding whether it is sufficient in form and substance, not on whether a complaint is a second or third complaint.

IV.     Is `creeping' impeachment allowed?

Yes, the Complaint can be endorsed to the Senate at any time, when the Complaint is signed by 79 members. The Constitution instituted the device of the `1/3 votes' overruling the whole House precisely to ensure a speedy resolution of the issue.  The Constitution precisely defined the specific periods within which to resolve the Complaint to ensure that the process is not prolonged. Furthermore, why would the Justice Committee be allowed to spend time (60 session days) investigating a complaint, when its decision can be overruled anyway by the 79 votes. The 79 can always endorse any Complaint it wishes to endorse at any stage in the proceedings, especially at the stage of the Committee Report to the plenary, as this is provided for by the Constitution.  (Please see CODAL Legal Memorandum on `creeping impeachment'.)

So, if the 1/3 vote is achieved, jurisdiction transfers to the Senate and it is but a ministerial duty on the part of the House to transmit the Article of Impeachment, which will be drafted by the endorsers who will form the prosecution panel.  It is also ministerial on the House to approve the prosecution panel. The Majority cannot intervene in the drafting of the Complaint or the selection of the prosecution panel. Only those that found `probable cause' in the complaint can participate in its prosecution.

Reference Person:
Atty. Neri Javier Colmenares
Convenor and Spokesperson
0920-950-9406
August 31, 2005

 

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