This story
was taken from Bulatlat, the Philippines's alternative weekly
newsmagazine (www.bulatlat.com, www.bulatlat.net, www.bulatlat.org).
Vol. V, No. 38, October 30-November 5,, 2005
The Cuban Revolution and Venezuela
By Germán Sánchez
Editor's Note:
As U.S. citizens most of us have precious little knowledge or understanding of
revolution. Through our educational systems and the corporate media in the U.S.
we have received either no information or distortions about historical
revolutions. It certainly is not in the interest of the corporate oligarchy to
teach it's citizens about the nature, dynamics and processes of successful
revolutions in human history. They have trained us to think red ... blood in the
streets ... lawlessness ... anarchy when we hear the "R" word. They have trained
us to fear. Aug 28, 2005 =========
The Cuban Revolution and
Venezuela -- Part 1 In the heat of the change led by President
Hugo Chávez,
speculation that Venezuela intends to replicate the revolutionary course Cuba
initiated in January 1959 is steadily proliferating. Those who promote such a
distortion are nearly all adversaries of President Chávez,
who have an interest in creating confusion, and who themselves are distorted by
hatred. It is only on rare occasions -- including on the part of the Bolivarian
revolution -- that logical and balanced comparisons between the two nations are
made. This has motivated me to put together this
analysis of the Cuban Revolution in its initial, decisive years. It is an
attempt to contribute to the memories of older Venezuelan readers and give
younger ones a quick view. It is devised for people who would like to make an
unprejudiced historical comparison between our revolution in Cuba and the
process of change currently occurring in Venezuela. The Cuban revolutionary evolution of the
1960s cannot today be repeated in other countries of the region. This is as much
due to the geopolitical circumstances in which the revolution occurred and the
heady speed of its transformation, as to the far reach of core measures it
adopted in a very short space of time. The Cuban Revolution's unique complexion
is located in those factors. That does not, however, mean that Cuba's
initial decisions, or the revolution's impact on Cuban society, are irrelevant
in the case of other Latin American or Caribbean
nations. On the contrary, given that it has been the most complete historical
rupture to occur in any country in the hemisphere, the Cuban Revolution
represents a paradigm -- a laboratory of indisputable relevance for the peoples
of our region. This comparison has the objective of
contributing information and reflection; it in no way seeks to replace anyone's
own thinking or their own process of drawing conclusions. More than 40 years of
socialist discourse in our homeland confirms that the option chosen by Cubans
was and is still appropriate. No revolution in the Americas has generated
so many crucial changes in such a short period of time. In less than 24 months
-- from January 1, 1959, to April 16 and April 19, 1961, symbolic dates in the
insurrectionary triumph (the proclamation of the socialist nature of the
revolution and the first military defeat of US imperialism in Latin America) --
profound changes took root, initiating a new stage in the history of Cuba and
the entire region. The revolution was not conducted according to
a precise plan, although the majority of its actions were contemplated in the
Moncada program of 1953 ("History Will Absolve Me"). Given that the United
States furiously began to clash with Cuba from the triumph of the revolution and
the initiation of its first measures, nobody could really foresee how the
process would develop. Still, the revolutionary leadership and Fidel Castro in
particular had a strategy and clear objectives, which facilitated strong,
accurate guidance of the Cuban people and the integration of the revolutionary
organizations. Even faced with that forceful, complex confrontation, the
decisions of the Cubans were not made recklessly. Years later Fidel summed up
the effective formula for the triumph of any revolution in three words: people,
weapons, and unity. In Venezuela, on February 3, 1999, he put it this way: "Revolution is the daughter of culture and
ideas." Fierce struggle against the domination of the
island by the United States
and its allies contributed to the acceleration of revolutionary actions. From
the early days of 1959 the United States attempted to crush the revolutionaries
and prevent the development of the process in favor of the people and national
sovereignty. During that year it exerted pressure, issued warnings, and began to
organize and execute plots against the stability of the country, the economy,
and even Fidel himself. In 1960 the great power's plan to defeat its neighboring
government and abort the incipient project of the new Cuba was unambiguous. To recall certain facts: in March 1960 the
CIA sabotaged a French boat, La Coubre, in Havana Bay, killing more than 100
people and destroying the Belgian arms in its hold. From 1959, and more
frequently in 1960, aircraft took off from the United States -- occasionally
piloted by US citizens -- to attack the sugar industry, destroy sugarcane
plantations, wipe out communities and, additionally, to supply weapons,
munitions, and other provisions to the counterrevolutionaries. In June 1960 the
US president suspended Cuba's sugar quota and in early 1961, broke off
diplomatic relations, banned US citizens from traveling to a country now
considered its enemy, and initiated an economic blockade. At the same time, it
demonstrated its military might by conducting military exercises in the island's
vicinity involving 40,000 troops, naval ships, and submarines equipped with
atomic weapons. On April 16 it bombed Cuban military airports and on April 17,
mercenary forces trained, equipped, financed, and directed by the CIA, landed at
the Bay of Pigs. This aggression did not impede the
revolution's impetus. On the contrary, it facilitated, made legitimate, and
accelerated the transformations. Audacity, tactical imagination, conviction, and
a growing radicalization were all part of the meteoric process changing Cuba
forever. Two stellar moments in that blow-by-blow
confrontation come to mind. When, in June 1960, the United States threatened to
suspend Cuba's preferential sugar quota, Fidel declared: "They're going to take
away the sugar quota pound by pound and we're going to take the sugar mills off
them one by one." In November 1960, when the United States announced that Fidel
would be confined to the island of
Manhattan during his visit to the United
Nations, the Cuban government decided to restrict the movements of the US
ambassador in Cuba to the Vedado neighborhood. Che subsequently summarized this
policy with the sharp, brief comment: "One can't take anything about imperialism
seriously, that's all there is to it!"] The revolution had no alternative: it could
either go to the source of the country's ills, or perish. It had to undertake
serious social change and attain national liberation, or the United States would
crush it and impose a more ominous and dependent regime than [Batista's in]
1958. Fidel understood the alternatives most clearly, and on March 15, 1960,
affirmed at the funeral of the victims of La Coubre: "Now freedom means
something more altogether: freedom means homeland. Therefore our dilemma is
"Patria o Muerte" (Homeland or Death)." The anger and conviction of that
after-noon gave rise to this emblematic slogan. On June 7, 1960, Fidel developed
the concept: "For each one of us, the catch-cry is "Patria o Muerte", but for
the people, who in the long term will emerge victorious, the catch-cry is "Venceremos"
(We Shall Overcome)." Faced with the myth of the fatal flaw of the island's
geography, and the power and arrogance of its giant enemy, the Cuban people and
their leaders were not daunted. On the contrary, the confrontation gave them
strength and resolution. When the United States utilized the Organization of
American States (OAS) to support the blockade, isolation, and aggression against
Cuba, our country denounced the governments that allowed themselves to be
subjugated in this way. Those countries subsequently had to face rebellion and
pressure from their own peoples. Those 18 months represented an irreversible
historical shift that could never be repeated. Under Fidel's leadership, the
revolutionary directorate took admirable advantage of this. Taking the
initiative time and again, the fighting people let loose their irrepressible
energy, until victory was consolidated. As the majority of the poor and many
from the middle class gradually discovered, this was the only way they could
fulfill their dreams, and no obstacle could prevent the ongoing deepening of the
process. To recall elements of the
transformation: In January 1959 the pro-Batista executive of
the CentralOrganization of Cuban Workers (CTC) was dismissed and a new executive
selected. In March, the revolutionary government nationalized the Cuban
Telephone Company -- after lowering call rates -- and the metropolitan bus
corporation. Housing rents were reduced by 50 percent and the price of medicines
by 30 percent. In May it approved the Agrarian Reform Act, which abolished the
large estates of landowners in less than 12 months and redistributed the land
either among peasants who had worked it without ownership, or converted it into
state-run agricultural enterprises, thereby initiating an agrarian revolution.
In July the cost of school books was cut by 25 percent and in August electricity
rates went down by 30 percent; while October saw the formation of the National
Revolutionary Militias -- comprised of workers, peasants, students, employees,
and professionals -- who had begun to organize in March. In early January 1960 the Ministry for the
Recovery of Embezzled Goods -- founded by the revolution -- confiscated the
Fosforero Trust and further reduced the price of 122 medicines. In February, the
ministry nationalized an oil consortium (RECA), which had two refineries, and
confiscated properties owned by the infamous José
López
Villaboy, including the Cuban Aviation Company, the Rancho Boyeros Airport (Havana),
and other businesses. The ministry also nationalized 14 sugar mills and in April
announced it had recovered more than $400 million for the people. On June 29, in
response to the continued economic, subversive, and terrorist aggression of the
United States, it took over Texaco and on July 1, Esso and Shell. In August all
US companies in the oil, sugar, communications, and electricity sectors were
nationalized. In September, battalions of militia troops were organized under
the direction of the Rebel Army to fight and eradicate armed
counterrevolutionary bands in the Escambray mountains of central Cuba. On
September 28, speaking before millions of Cubans in Revolution Square, Fidel
called for the organization of Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs)
in every neighborhood block, so that as an organized people Cubans could fight
their enemies more effectively. In October all the domestic and foreign banks,
and 382 large enterprises, including 105 sugar mills, 50 textile factories, and
eight railroad companies were nationalized. The Urban Reform Act was passed,
conceding property rights to all rent-paying tenants, and finally, the remaining
US companies were nationalized. Other relevant events took place throughout
1960, such as the amalgamation of revolutionary women's and youth groups into
two parallel organizations: the Federation of Cuban Women and the Association of
Young Rebels. Peasants likewise grouped themselves into the National Association
of Small Farmers and the island's intellectuals formed the National Union of
Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC). In April 1961 the revolutionary
organizations merged into one political body: the Integrated Revolutionary
Organizations (ORI). This is barely a synthesis of the principal
actions of the revolution, which fundamentally changed the way of life of the
Cuban people. Many others could be added. For example,
journalists and media professionals took control of the media, placing it at the
political, cultural, recreational, and educational service of the people. Casa
de las Américas
was founded, as was the Cuban Film Institute (ICAIC), and the National Cultural
Council. Within such a dazzling, iconoclastic landscape, these three cultural
institutions represented a formidable structure for writers and artists. The
first stage of the educational revolution was launched and succeeded in
eliminating illiteracy in less than one year -- by 1961 -- while from 1959
onwards thousands of voluntary teachers took the light of knowledge to remote
areas of the island. At the same time Cuba's beaches were opened up to everyone,
private clubs became recreational centers, and the barracks of Batista's army
were transformed into student facilities. In summary, during that brief period, the
neocolonial military state was destroyed, and a new popular, democratic, and
nationalist government was installed. The repressive agencies of the former
regime were eliminated and new defense organizations, based on revolutionary
vigilance, were established, with the essential involvement of ordinary people. Even in the context of such colossal change,
the period was also characterized by humanism and careful respect for the
integrity of human beings. Due process was respected and followed with regard to
violations of law by enemies of the people. The revolutionary courts punished murderers,
traitors, and other servants of the dictatorship, and confiscated all the assets
of officials who worked under it; senators, representatives, mayors, and party
and trade union leaders who supported the dictatorship were deprived of their
political rights. Democratic rights were granted to all the people,
criminalizing discrimination against people of color and women, and in effect
creating an economic, ethical, and political base for undertaking the
construction of a new, free, and more egalitarian society. Fidel's confidence in the nation's history
and the attributes of his people, and the people's confidence in their leader,
were determining factors in completing the transformation. In January 1959, the young comandante
initiated his pedagogical crusade in relation to the principles that should
guide all revolutionaries and patriots: • Fortunately for Cuba, this time the
revolution will really reach its conclusion . No thieves, no traitors, no
interventionists; this time it is a revolution! (January 2, 1959) • The people of Cuba know how to defend
themselves! (January 9, 1959) • We are a small but worthy people! (January
9, 1959) • If they want friendly relations, they
should not threaten us! (January 9, 1959) • The revolution is not turning tail in the
face of attack, it is not weakening in the face of attack, but it is growing!
(January 11, 1959) • We are a people prepared for every
sacrifice! (February 3, 1959) • The government of Cuba does not want to be
an enemy of the government of the United States, or an enemy of any government
in the world. but we cannot allow politics to be imposed upon us. Historically
we have been victims of the powerful influence of the United States over our
country's des-tiny! (February 19, 1959) • We can only say to the powerful oligarchy:
you have done what could be expected of you, but we will do what can be expected
of us. Your power does not frighten us, but gives us courage! (July 6, 1960) The courage of the overwhelming majority of
Cuban men and women was decisive in confronting the serious consequences
challenging US domination, consequences that included the sacrifice of lives. Given the underdevelopment to which Cuba was
condemned, if the revolution had failed, we would have suffered greater human
losses and sacrifice. If anyone should be in any doubt of that, it is worth
casting a glance at certain realities. In 1958, average life expectancy was 61 and
infant mortality was in excess of 60 per 1,000 live births. For many years now,
our people have had an average life expectancy of over 75 and an infant
mortality rate of less than seven per 1,000 live births. How many hundreds of
thousands of Cuban people -- adults and children -- would have died if the 1958
indexes of health, nutrition, education, etc. had evolved with a trend similar
to the Latin American average? For a number of years Cuba has possessed the
highest ratio per capita of doctors, teachers, and sports and arts instructors
in the world, and from 1962 its health, education, and sports programs have been
totally free for the entire population. Illiteracy disappeared in 1961 and today
the average education level is 10th grade, the highest in the region. Unemployment, which was over 30 percent in
1958, is now at three percent. More than 85 percent of families own their own
homes and from 1959 to 1989, close to two million homes were built, more than
were built in the 60 years of the neocolonial republic. In Cuba there are no
children or beggars on the streets, or unprotected elderly or mentally disabled
people. Citizens are far safer than in other Latin American countries, with a
very low incidence of social violence. Cuban people have genuine access to culture.
No one's talent is frustrated by a lack of material conditions or encouragement.
The revolution created and developed a national film industry that enjoys
international prestige, and the fields of visual arts, dance, theater, and
literature have flourished. In 1989, 100 times more books were published than in
1958. Sports and physical education are widely
enjoyed. Cuba has the highest number per capita of Olympic gold medals in the
world: one for every one million inhabitants. Despite the difficulties of the
last decade, utrition is superior to the average in the underdeveloped
countries. One out of every 10 Latin American scientists is Cuban and the island
has a highly developed scientific research industry, which means it can take
maximum advantage of its scientific potential. Its developments and discoveries
rate far above other Latin American and Caribbean
nations, including many cutting-edge developments in biotechnology and genetics. Further statistics could be mentioned, but
the above are sufficient. I only wish to highlight how the Cuban Revolution has
presented its people with material and spiritual happiness far greater than the
sacrifices we have made. Our people are no longer sucked dry by neocolonial
capitalism, or manipulated and oppressed by dictatorship -- whether in the
Batista years or under the mantle of a corrupt multiparty democracy. We are a
genuinely independent nation -- a united, organized people with an advanced
political understanding and weapons at our disposal to defend our conquests.
And, in free elections with a secret vote, people elect their state
representatives and depose them if they fail to fulfill their role. In the early years of their searching and
effort, Cubans never expected that their heroic actions, or the course of the
revolution, would receive external help. The premise of the revolution was that
it would defend itself with the support of the Cuban people alone. It should be
recalled that from 1959, long before the revolution turned toward socialism, the
United States attempted to destroy it and restore the country to its former
neocolonial status. It was acting to that end before the revolutionary
government entered into relations with the Soviet Union. When Cuba gained allies
and began to seek solidarity, it was guided by José
Martí's
principle that "homeland is humanity." It never, however, accepted threats or
impositions of any kind and the Missile Crisis of October 1962 proved the
ultimate willingness of Cubans to be defeated rather than hand over sovereignty
and the right to self-determination. Decisions were never conditioned by an
opportunistic measuring of the correlation of world forces. Far less were they
based on the calculation that the Soviet
Union might become the important ally it
subsequently proved to be, and it was undoubtedly significant for the economic
progress and military consolidation of Cuban socialism. But our revolution did
not exist, and far less act, thanks to the support of that power. When the
Soviet Union disappeared in 1991, Cuba stayed on its feet. Despite the brutal
impact the event had on Cuban people, they continued forward with their ideals,
making necessary adjustments, and confirming that socialism in Cuba is
irrevocable. More than 40 years of creatively constructing benefits for the
great majority have confirmed for Cubans that this social system was the best
choice in those early, defining years. The Cuban Revolution always advanced on the
basis of the nation's supreme right to be free and independent. The nature of
the political and social system was always decided by democratic consensus. The
legislation of those early years expressed an overwhelming sovereign force; it
was never passed with less than 90 percent of its citizens' support. Two reasons
explain this: within a very short period the revolution gave people the
victories they most desired. It did so ensuring people were genuine protagonists
in those victories and the direct defenders of them, thus converting themselves
into a collective capable of attaining ever more complex goals. In "History Will Absolve Me",
Fidel explained the plan of the Moncada assailants in 1953; this was made real
during 1959-61: "We weren't going to say to the people,
`We're going to give you everything,' but rather, `Here you are, now fight with
all your strength so that independence and happiness is yours'." Many other events occurred after April 1961
that consolidated the pillars of the socialist transition, or this shift from a
defeated neocolonial regime to a more just, democratic, and autonomous society.
The new human collective, aware of its political and moral force, its cohesion,
and the fact that it was armed, lost its respect for capitalist private property
and its fear of domination. It transformed these into social property and
revolutionary power at the service of all the people. During the clamor, this
made it possible for the island to stand as a bulwark against US aggression and
its siege, the longest in modern history. In those years, Che Guevara published an
essay titled, "Cuba: Historical exception or vanguard in the anticolonial
struggle?" Today, 40 years after his reflections, it is clear that Cuba is
neither an exception nor a temporary hemispheric accident. Cuba's persistent
search for new roads after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the Eastern
European bloc, its unequivocal demonstration that authentic socialism does exist
in José
Martí's
homeland -- in spite of particular mistakes and enormous difficulties --
confirms that this historical alternative is a sound and, ultimately, promising
way to overcome underdevelopment and obtain genuine independence. © 2005 Bulatlat
■
Alipato Publications Permission is granted to reprint or redistribute this article, provided its author/s and Bulatlat are properly credited and notified.
AxisofLogic.com
We must teach ourselves and one another about successful revolutions if we are
to take control of our lives and truly govern ourselves. One such successful
revolution occurred only 45 years ago and only 90 miles off our southeast shores
in Cuba. Germán Sánchez offers us a primer in his comparative analysis of the
Cuban Revolution and the Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela. The book is Cuba
and Venezuela and it will be on the shelves in English in a few months. The
pamphlet below contains a chapter in the book. We owe it to ourselves, our
children and our country to read and learn more about the true nature of
revolution. - Les Blough, Editor
[Germán Sánchez has been the Cuban ambassador to Venezuela from 1994 to the
present. This is the first part from a new pamphlet from Ocean Press, published
in both English and Spanish-language editions. The pamphlet contains a chapter
from the book Cuba and Venezuela by Germán Sánchez, which is forthcoming in
English from Ocean Press in early 2006.
A Spanish-language edition of the book will published by Ocean Press in
September 2005. Cuba and Venezuela is a comparative historical analysis of the
Cuban Revolution and the process of change and
revolution currently unfolding in Venezuela. Another pamphlet taken from the
same forthcoming book is Barrio Adentro and Other Social Missions in the
Bolivarian Revolution. For further information visit
Ocean Books.
By Germán Sánchez