Analysis
Macapagal-Arroyo:
Above Human Rights
Macapagal-Arroyo is
not literally deaf and blind to the persistent protests and appeals here
and abroad to cease the wanton violations of human rights. Out of lust for
power, she has been consumed by her own “war on terror.” Crafted to stop
the criminal activities of the ASG, used against the NPA and now as a tool
to suppress political dissent, the anti-terrorism track is now being
harnessed simply to keep Macapagal-Arroyo in power.
By Bobby Tuazon
Bulatlat
Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo is not known for
heeding demands to whip into line the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP)
and other security forces for what is reported as their brazen violations
of human rights. This is so not only because political repression is
evidently a state policy that is at the core of the embattled president’s
“war on terror” but more so because maintaining her perceived illegitimate
rule has increasingly relied on brute force and other anti-democratic
forms.
Macapagal-Arroyo’s
accountability for the continuing spate of military atrocities against
civilians especially those identified with the militant people’s
organizations and progressive party-list groups was underscored once more
when Army troops opened fire on a group of 47 civilians at the break of
dawn Nov. 21in Barangay (village) San Agustin, Palo, Leyte. Various
accounts tended to show that the soldiers, wearing ski masks and armed
with high-powered rifles including grenade launchers, appeared geared for
a mayhem. There were no warning shots. “They (soldiers) just fired at us,”
a survivor narrates.
|
GRATITUDE:
President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo thanks police chiefs for their
political support. |
The shooting lasted
30 minutes. As the smoke of gunfire settled, seven of the civilians lay
dead. Two others died in the hospital. Among the dead were two women one
of them pregnant. Eight others were critically wounded; eight were also
arrested for being New People’s Army (NPA) suspects.
Military officials
called the incident a “legitimate encounter” with the NPA and even showed
reporters firearms they said were taken from the victims. Nothing was said
however whether the firearms were fired or why not one soldier was hurt
from the “encounter.”
Farmers
Preliminary
investigations by church and human rights groups and Bayan Muna (BM or
people first)
- whose two organizers in Leyte
were among the casualties
-
revealed that those fired upon were farmers from the San Agustin Farmer
Beneficiaries Association (SAFBA) and BM party-list. They were in a
meeting about “balik-uma” or occupation of the land awarded to them by the
Department of Agrarian Reform (DAR) under the Comprehensive Agrarian
Reform Program (CARP).
Macapagal-Arroyo
extolled the soldiers but characteristically shed no tears for the
civilian victims. The alleged perpetrators of the massacre came from the
Army’s 8th Infantry Division - the same unit that was
previously commanded by Brig. Gen. Jovito Palparan with 570 cases of
violations of human rights and international humanitarian law.
The Palo massacre
happened on the heels of similar incidents of extra-judicial killings,
disappearances, forced evacuation and other human rights violations
committed in recent days and weeks and which add to the more than 4,300
documented cases since Macapagal-Arroyo came to power in 2001. The cases
affected 235,000 individuals, 24,500 families and 240 communities. At
least 400 persons were victims of summary execution; 110 of forced
disappearances. Twenty of those killed were rights volunteers.
What kind of a
president would possibly turn the whole country into a killing fields of
sorts?
Trademark
Macapagal-Arroyo took
power in January 2001 on the crest of a second civilian uprising and, as
president, took charge of a military institution that is also widely
considered as a surrogate army of the U.S. Until that time, the AFP had a
30-year record of hundreds of thousands of victims of military abuse that
begun during the Marcos dictatorship. The new president soon courted the
support of the politicized AFP to defend her presidency against her
political opponents and so-called “destabilizers.” It became her trademark
that under the “war on terror” which she launched to support U.S.
President George W. Bush’s post-9/11 “war without borders,” she began to
transform the AFP into a “counter-terrorist” war machine.
Even before
unleashing her “war on terror” in 2002, however, Macapagal-Arroyo had
backed the AFP’s continuing campaign against the armed Left. It was clear
to her that a few weeks after taking over as president the AFP was already
gearing for yet another full-scale war against the NPA but that this time
the alleged legal infrastructures of the underground Left more
particularly its alleged party-list network would have to be reckoned with
more than ever. At about this time, although so much hype was played on
the Abu Sayyaf bandit group defense and military officials were pointing
to the armed Left as the “top national security threat.” By mid-2005,
Defense Secretary Avelino Cruz would pledge to break the backbone of the
NPA in 10 years.
The real danger, of
course, came from Macapagal-Arroyo’s own “war on terror.”
The “war on terror”
not only traded the country’s sovereignty for U.S. military aid and the
return of U.S. forces in the guise of military training and war exercises;
it also posed a graver threat to the people’s democratic rights and civil
liberties. On the pretext of fighting “terrorism,” Macapagal-Arroyo
revived the mothballed National ID system and declared as priority the
anti-terrorism bill (ATB). The ATB has been denounced as a mechanism for
curtailing civil liberties and as Macapagal-Arroyo’s political weapon
against her critics particularly the Left.
Above the law
Under the “war on
terror,” political dissent, progressive legislation and
ideologically-driven rebellion were lumped with the ASG and other alleged
“terrorist networks.” Macapagal-Arroyo toed the line of Bush by placing
the war against terrorism above the law and above critical dissent:
“terrorists” and mere suspects have no rights and have to face the iron
fist.
The AFP, through its
official newsletter Ang Tala, sought to neutralize the Left’s
alleged front organizations particularly Bayan Muna and other militant
groups. The same time that this came out, a top AFP official warned that
progressive party-list groups have no right to be in Congress. More, a
concerted campaign was launched by Malacañang’s national security adviser
to demonize and criminalize the militant organizations linking many of
them to the “terrorist” NPA. This would be followed by the AFP’s
low-intensity black propaganda and “hit lists” of legal personalities and
groups including certain church-based and media organizations. Not a few
of those in the list have fallen as victims of assassination, summary
execution and abduction.
If the charges
against Brig. Gen. Jovito Palparan are true, it is quite probable that the
general’s alleged bloody suppression campaign against unarmed civilians,
party-list activists, lawyers, local executives, priests as well as rights
volunteers in Mindoro, Eastern Visayas and now in Central Luzon is part of
a carte blanche issued by the commander-in-chief to the whole AFP for
conducting a reign of terror in the countryside. It is not a coincidence
that the number of suspected ASG rebels killed has been surpassed several
times over by that of activists and other victims of state terrorism.
A recent report by
Statewatch, the Campaign Against Criminalizing Communities, and the Human
Rights and Social Justice Institute at the London Metropolitan University,
reveals that "proscribing" - or labeling groups and individuals as
terrorists - in order to "criminalize their activities or impose sanctions
against them with no right of appeal" has become "integral" to the war on
terrorism. In their joint report, "Terrorizing the Rule of Law: The Policy
and Practice of Proscription," the three groups also said the proscription
of alleged terrorists raises serious human rights concerns.
Wrong basis
Statewatch, which
monitors civil liberties, says “terrorist lists are frequently drawn up on
a basis of secret intelligence, and that the normal judicial process
governing such serious accusations, and their prosecution, is "discarded."
"Hundreds of groups
and individuals have now been criminalized around the world and the
various lists are expanding as states attempt to add all groups engaged in
resistance to occupation or tyranny. Those exercising what many people
around the world see as a legitimate right to self-defense and
determination are increasingly being treated - on a global basis - the
same way as Osama Bin Laden," the report says. There have been serious
breaches of human rights, it adds.
The Philippines, the
second front of Bush’s “war on terror,” is no exception. Here,
“counter-terrorism” is just a camouflage for state terrorism.
Macapagal-Arroyo,
through her generals and anti-communist secretaries, is prosecutor, judge
and executioner at the same time. She has replaced the judicial process
which, anyway, is biased against the poor and defenseless and is using
Congress to ram through the ATB, charter change and other anti-democratic
measures. And now she is resorting to more repressive devices such as the
calibrated preemptive response (CPR) and gag orders in response to the
snowballing call for her removal on charges of stealing the presidency,
culpable violation of the constitution, betrayal of public trust and
ever-increasing human rights violations.
And yet it is not
only at home that Macapagal-Arroyo
-
who, as a president should be the first to uphold the law
-
has been condemned for these serious infringements. The regime’s dismal
human rights record, for instance, has been either cited or denounced at
the UN Human Rights Committee, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch,
the Asian Human Rights Commission and several other rights watchdogs
throughout the world. Similarly she has been held accountable for crimes
against humanity at various people’s tribunals in Tokyo, New York and,
most recently, at the International People’s Tribunal in the
Philippines.
The impeachment charges that Macapagal-Arroyo was able to stop in Congress
through trade-offs and alleged bribery are now being heard before the
Citizens Congress for Truth and Accountability (CCTA).
UNDP report
In a recent report,
the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in collaboration with two
other international agencies, cited the "militarist policy" of the Arroyo
government for worsening the insurgency in the Philippines. The Philippine
Human Development Report (PHDR, 2005) also said the U.S.-led "global war
on terror" has only added fuel to the local war situation. Likewise, the
UNDP report refuted claims by the Macapagal-Arroyo regime that the local
communists are “terrorists” by engaging in violent acts against civilians.
From its historical record of armed struggle, policy and general practice,
the report states, the communists “have not engaged in terrorism or acts
of terrorism by deliberately targeting civilians."
In its current phase,
Macapagal-Arroyo’s “war on terror” has spread its tentacles by targeting
legal activities aimed at exposing the truth behind the 2004 elections,
raising the issue of human rights and rallying the people for her removal.
She has tagged broad coalitions of forces seeking her removal as the
handiwork of the “communist terrorists.” The brutal and anti-democratic
character of the counter-terrorism campaign is now at the heart of the
desperate efforts of the regime to cling to power amid the increasing
public clamor for her to leave. Having lost all moral, constitutional and
political grounds to remain as president, Macapagal-Arroyo will rely more
and more on the AFP, the police and other security forces to stay in
office.
Macapagal-Arroyo is
not literally deaf and blind to the persistent protests and appeals here
and abroad to cease the wanton violations of human rights. Out of lust for
power, she has been consumed by her own “war on terror.” Crafted to stop
the criminal activities of the ASG, used against the NPA and now as a tool
to suppress political dissent, the anti-terrorism track is now being
harnessed simply to keep Macapagal-Arroyo in power. Bulatlat
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