Five Years Down the Drain for
Indigenous Peoples
In the report, KAMP
indicated that atrocities committed against indigenous leaders are aimed
at silencing them because they espouse causes that undermine the interests
of big investors in mineral exploration.
By Jhong dela
Cruz
Bulatlat
Their ethnicity may
not immediately surface in the list of persons killed in the past five
years but the number of indigenous peoples joining the tally is
disturbingly growing.
The figure stands at
70, since President Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo took office in 2001, according
to a report prepared by the Indigenous Peoples Rights Watch. The report
will be filed with the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.
The figure is part of
the 711 persons killed under Arroyo’s term, the latest count tallied by
rights group Karapatan (Alliance for the Advance of People’s Rights).
The IP rights
watchdog said most casualties who belonged to various tribes across the
country were killed due to conflicts resulting from development projects
which the victims vehemently opposed.
|

Cordillera indigenous leader Markus Bangit, slain June 8. |
Undetermined
number
Himpad Mangumalas, a
Lumad from Higaunon tribe in Mindanao and spokesman of the Kalipunan ng
mga Katutubong Mamamayan ng Pilipinas (KAMP or Assembly of Indigenous
Peoples of the Philippines), said their reports reveal the same pattern of
violations committed against activists.
Of the 70 casualties,
39 were victimized from January 2003 onward, “which accounts to an
unprecedented average of one killing per month succeeding (a UN Special
Rapporteur) country visit in December 2002,” the report read.
Mangumalas noted that
political killings that targeted indigenous peoples victimized mainly
leaders and members of KAMP and the Cordillera Peoples Alliance, two of
the progressive groups tagged by the military as legal fronts of the
Communist Party of the Philippines (CPP).
In the report, KAMP
indicated that atrocities committed against indigenous leaders are aimed
at silencing them because they espouse causes that undermine the interests
of big investors in mineral exploration.
The Mines and
Geosciences Bureau (MGB) of the Department of Environment and Natural
Resources (DENR) had laid out plans to make way for 24 priority mining
projects meant to raise a total investment of over $8 billion in 2013. The
government has granted mining rights to 762 medium and large-scale
companies as of December last year.
Leaders and members
of indigenous peoples formations found in at least seven regions are
highly prone to extra-judicial killings, including the Cordillera
Administrative Region, Central Luzon, Southern Tagalog which includes
Mindoro and Palawan islands, Caraga (Agusan del Norte, Agusan del Sur,
Surigao del Norte and Surigao del Sur), Southern Mindanao, Zamboanga
Peninsula and Socsargen (South Cotabato, Saranggani, North Cotabato and
Sultan Kudarat).
In the Cordillera
alone, recorded human rights abuses affected 2,312 individuals, 710
families and at least two communities.
Evils of
development
Aside from having to
suffer various types of human rights abuse, indigenous groups also have to
contend with the threats that accompany mining explorations and other
development projects.
In spite of
government pronouncements it will distribute some 100 certificate of
ancestral domain title (CADT) yearly to members of indigenous tribes, some
12.2 million hectares are up for grabs by medium to large-scale mining
companies which already applied for mining rights, MGB records show.
This covers at least
40.65 percent of the country’s total land area.
Based on
the Mining Act of 1995, about 15 million hectares will be opened for
mining operations, 53 percent of which are located within indigenous
territories.
KAMP
said that of the 24 identified priority projects of the government for
large scale mining, 18 cover indigenous territories. Ten of them are in
Mindanao, one in Palawan, one in Mindoro and six in the Cordillera and
Northern Luzon.
MGB has
so far received 272 mining applications covering a total land area of
1,270,343.86 hectares in the Cordillera and nearby provinces.
KAMP
estimates this to be about two-thirds of the Cordillera land area. Should
the government approve the mining applications, more than 16,000
indigenous small scale miners and more than 100,000 indigenous peasant
families will lose their livelihood sources.
Two are already
operating in Benguet, namely the Teresa Gold Project in Mangkayan which
has an $80 million investment; and Padcal Sto. Tomas Copper Expansion
Project in Tuba, which has a $17 million investment. The first one, by
Lepanto Consolidated Mining Co and Far Southeast Gold Resources, Inc. has
projected gross sales of about $60 million a year. The latter is being
operated by Philex Mining Corp., with projected annual gross sales of $50
million.
Some $2 million to
$2.2 million yearly in excise taxes goes to the national coffers but they
spell brutal and unabated military operations in the communities where
lucrative mining businesses operate.
According to a KAMP
report, the IP tribes’ experience shows how militarization “facilitates
the entry and operation of so-called development projects.”
A shortlist of these
projects include operation of large dams and hydropower plants; open pit
and large-scale underground mining; large-scale logging of forests
including watersheds and communal forests; and the conversion of
indigenous territories into agro-industrial plantations, ecotourism,
protected areas and military reservations.
He said committed
violations range from forced evacuation, massacre or murder, torture,
arbitrary arrests and illegal detention, hamletting and food blockades.
But mining and dam
projects remain to be “the most notorious” for the indigenous peoples, he
said.
Mineral policy
According to Victoria
Tauli-Corpuz, executive director of the indigenous center Tebtebba
Foundation, the Arroyo administration is generally a failure in
alleviating the indigenous people’s plight.
Tebtebba Foundation
maintains links with international lobby groups, and enjoys a special
consultative status with the Economic and Social Council of the United
Nations. Corpuz heads the UN’s Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues.
“She has not really
achieved anything positively significant,” she said, citing policy reforms
by the Arroyo administration that became detrimental to indigenous
peoples.
The government had
mapped out plans to accommodate at least 24 mining projects contained in
the National Mineral Policy.
The policy she told
Bulatlat, has become the way to fast-track the implementation of
the Mining Act of 1995.
“Many of the mining
priorities she identified are in indigenous peoples' territories,” she
said citing examples such as the Toronto Ventures Incorporated (TVI) in
Canatuan, Siocon, Zamboanga del Norte and Climax-Arimco (now renamed APMI)
in Didipio, Kasibu, Nueva Vizcaya.
Corpuz also noted
that the free, prior informed consent (FPIC) stipulated in the 1997
Indigenous Peoples Rights Act (IPRA) are obtained fraudulently in several
communities.
“Like what happened
in Canatuan in favor of Toronto Ventures Inc. (TVI) or in Conner, Apayao
in favor of Anglo-American Platinum Inc. Indigenous peoples in these
communities are deliberately divided through manipulative actions done by
government and company representatives until they get a manufactured FPIC,”
she said.
The
government’s National Commission of Indigenous Peoples has consistently
denied the indigenous communities’ opposition by issuing FPIC, as in the
case of the Arimco Mining Company in Nueva Vizcaya, affecting the Ifugao
people; the Anglo American mining exploration in Conner, Apayao and
Balbalan, Kalinga affecting the Isneg and Buaya tribes.
Corpuz also scored
the government’s decision to put the NCIP under the Department of Agrarian
Reform.
“This is a step
backward in terms of strengthening governance structures…while at the
outset, the NCIP has not been configured to be an independent body,
putting it under DAR further limits what it can do,” said Corpuz. She
added that agrarian reform does not relate to the proper recognition of
ancestral land rights.
Another case of
divide-and-rule tactic by the government involves the claims of the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front to ancestral land rights. This could bring
conflict between Muslims and Lumads, she said.
Review needed
In 2002, Dr. Rodolfo
Stavenhagen, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on the situation of
indigenous peoples rights, recommended to the Philippine government to
review its laws, programs and polices for the sector.
Even then, the UN
envoy told the government the need to immediately address blatant human
rights violations against indigenous tribes. Unfortunately, the FPIC
provision in the law has invited more abuses for the indigenous peoples.
Recruitment of tribe
members in paramilitary groups has aggravated the indigenous peoples’
plight, said KAMP. It cites the case of Bai Bibyaon Ligkayan Bigkay, 65, a
leader of Ata-Matigsalog who has received a series of grave threats
reportedly from the Alamara paramilitary group. In February this year, 16
Alamara members from Talaingod led by the 73rd Infantry
Battalion raided and opened fired at her house where 38 lumad (28
of whom are teeners and children) were resting.
Mangumalam said that
the implementation of FPIC has deteriorated because of development
aggression and militarization, while concerned government agencies have
failed to properly address human rights cases filed by or in behalf of the
indigenous peoples.
KAMP is demanding
government withdrawal of licenses and permits of companies acquired by
cheating the FPIC, and for the government to scrap
the Mining Act of 1995 which
has become instrumental in imposing vague development projects.
UN Declaration
Last June, the United
Nation has adopted the UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples,
seen to strengthen worldwide attention for the struggles of indigenous
peoples.
Corpuz said the UN
declaration “contains the minimum standards for the protection and respect
of indigenous peoples' rights.”
“IPs can use the
Declaration as the moral authority to judge whether the government’s
actions are consistent with internationally agreed standards on human
rights of indigenous peoples,” she said.
She cited the
administration-backed Charter change proposal. “If the IPRA is repealed or
significantly weakened because of charter change, indigenous peoples can
still invoke the Declaration for the protection of their rights.”
“The collective
rights recognized in international human rights instruments like the
Covenants on Civil and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic,
Social and Cultural Rights are the right to self-determination and right
to free association.”
“Other than this, all
the rights recognized are individual rights. The contribution of the
Declaration, therefore, in terms of recognizing collective rights of
indigenous peoples is very crucial for their continuing existence as
distinct peoples.”
For its part, KAMP
asserts that the government should abide by its commitment for the
adoption of such declarations.
“We strongly demand
request the Philippine government to pursue impartial and speedy
investigation and prosecution of those involved in political killing of
indigenous peoples, and call for the end to harassment and intimidation of
indigenous activists and leaders,” Mangumalam said. Bulatlat
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