Loyalty to
the Commander-in-Chief, Above All Else
The new
defense chief is also expected to play a major role in supporting the
concentration of political power under the chief executive and her
political allies now that the congressional elections are just a few
months away. In this enterprise, he – unlike Cruz – is expected to be
nothing less than a team player, come hell or high water.
By the Policy Study, Publication and Advocacy (PSPA) Program
Center for People Empower in Governance (CenPEG)
Posted by Bulatlat
Whoever will be appointed as
the new secretary of defense will be heading an institution that is
considered a pillar upon which the political future of the current
president rests. Loyalty – over and above career qualifications – will
determine President Gloria M. Arroyo's choice for the post soon to be
vacated by Avelino Cruz. Cruz, who had lawyered for the Macapagal family,
has resigned over policy differences with a cabinet clique who reportedly
pressured him to influence a Supreme Court (SC) decision on the people's
initiative for charter change. The SC shot down the proposal for charter
change.
Said to be topping the list
of likely successors is Hermogenes Ebdane, former director general of the
Philippine National Police (PNP) and currently public works secretary. If
he is appointed to the defense post, which is held by Mrs. Arroyo in a
concurrent capacity, Ebdane will be the second police chief to occupy it
since 1986. But he will also be a mainstay with a military or police
background in a cabinet and top civilian bureaucracy that are increasingly
being dominated by ex-generals and other senior military-police officers -
at least 27 in all based on the latest count. 1
Appointing another military
or police general to the Department of National Defense (DND) top post
will continue a policy set by President Corazon C. Aquino since 1986
giving preferential choice for generals. Out of nine individuals who have
occupied the DND position since that year, six were former AFP or police
chiefs and generals: Rafael Ileto, Fidel V. Ramos, Renato de Villa,
Fortunato Abat, Eduardo Ermita and Angelo Reyes. The rest were civilians,
namely, Sen. Orlando Mercado, who served under Joseph Estrada; Avelino
Cruz and, presently, Mrs. Arroyo herself.
Before them, out of 16
defense secretaries who served from 1939 to 1986, eight were civilians,
including lawyers and legislators, and eight were military officials who
either came from the defunct Philippine Constabulary (PC, now PNP) or were
World War II veterans. Most of the generals had prior civilian careers,
including law or medical practice, before war summoned them to active
military service thus qualifying them to acquire military ranks. 2
Even at the height of the
Huk rebellion during the 1950s, the defense secretaries were civilian:
Ramon Magsaysay, an engineer by profession; Oscar T. Castelo, a judge; and
Sotero B. Cabahug, a lawyer. During his dictatorship, Ferdinand Marcos saw
to it that the DND is headed by a civilian, which included himself, and
former customs chief Juan Ponce Enrile, who kept the position for 14
years. Enrile, a corporate lawyer and Marcos protégé who later turned
against the dictator, of course just served to deodorize the defense
establishment with a civilian façade when it actually functioned as a
powerful martial law implementor. It was during this period when the Armed
Forces of the Philippines (AFP) became highly politicized and, as a major
pillar propping up the dictatorship, it imbibed the culture of military
supremacy and a sub-culture of corruption while paying lip-service to the
pre-eminence of civilian authority.
The period following the
fall of Marcos rule was politically and economically volatile marked by
military coups d'etat, the escalation of armed conflicts with the
Marxist-led New People's Army and Moro guerrillas, followed by contrived
terrorist threats and spectacular challenges to the presidencies. The
situation called for relying on defense secretaries who have military
background that could be tapped not only for pursuing a total war policy
but also as a practical presidential bridge to a military institution that
had become politicized.
This made it more conducive
for applying militarist solutions to what essentially would have required
an all-sided social, economic and political reform. Except in the "peace
process" with the fragmented Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF) in
1993, the defense establishment has pursued a policy of capitulationism in
peace negotiations with the armed Left. But the military institution,
which the DND is supposed to provide the policy command, has also been
weakened by corruption and disillusionment particularly among junior
officers.
Under Mrs. Arroyo, the post
of the defense secretary has become central in extending military support
to a presidential office tainted not only by corruption but more so by a
credibility problem arising from allegations of electoral fraud in the
2004 presidential race. The electoral fraud was reportedly committed with
the confidential support of military and police generals. Had they pushed
through, the two impeachment charges filed against Mrs. Arroyo in 2005 and
this year would have dragged the names of these co-conspirators and, in
turn, would have further divided the military institution or fueled yet
another civilian uprising.
Others see however that
another civilian should replace Cruz if only because this is in line with
the recommendations of the Davide and Feliciano commissions that
investigated two major coups. Likewise, in the context of our
highly-politicized military, the problem of massive corruption ( e.g., the
retirement and pension funds mess, among others,) and the unresponsiveness
of the top brass and security officials to the resumption of peace talks
with the NDFP, a military person is most likely to be a captive of the
existing powerful networks of interests in the military who see no urgency
in addressing these problems. Thus, it is believed, it might be better to
live with a civilian Arroyo-loyalist rather than a military
Arroyo-loyalist, all things considered.
However, there should be no
surprise if Mrs. Arroyo will appoint a military or police man to the
defense post. After all, the appointee will be enlisted into a familiar
territory: a cabinet packed with former generals. The president will
appoint a defense chief who will carry out basically the major
expectations demanded of the post. These include, making sure that the AFP
and police systems remain loyal to the chief executive; a modernization
program which is being implemented with the U.S. government; a
"counter-terrorism" campaign which aggressively targets suspected legal
and vulnerable political infrastructures of the militant mass movement and
progressive political parties; and directing all such efforts under the
coherent framework of U.S.-Philippine security cooperation.
The new defense chief is
also expected to play a major role in supporting the concentration of
political power under the chief executive and her political allies now
that the congressional elections are just a few months away. In this
enterprise, he – unlike Cruz – is expected to be nothing less than a team
player, come hell or high water.
Likewise, he should be able
to thwart further coup plots and "instabilities" supposedly fomented by
disgruntled former generals and active junior officers. This pre-emptive
function is to be pursued by rallying the military, police and
paramilitary forces behind the counter-insurgency campaign.
And, by the way, he should
also be ready to serve as the shock absorber for the president who faces
an increasingly worldwide condemnation sparked by reports of
extra-judicial executions, enforced disappearances and other human rights
violations widely believed to be perpetrated by government security forces
and "special secret missions." Center for People Empower in
Governance/Posted by Bulatlat
______________________
They
include: Gen. Eduardo Ermita, executive secretary and former Marcos
colonel; Gen. Angelo Reyes, environment and natural resources secretary;
Police Director General Leandro Mendoza, transportation and communications
secretary; Police Director General Hermogenes Ebdane, public works
secretary; Gen. Roy Cimatu, special ambassador to the Middle East; Gen.
Benjamin Defensor, ambassador-at-large for counter-terrorism; Gen. Narciso
Abaya, president of the Bases Conversion Development Authority; Gen. Efren
Abu, special envoy to the Brunei-Indonesia-Malaysia-Philippines East Asean
Growth Area; Police Director General Edgardo Aglipay, chief of the
Philippine Retirement Authority; Police Director General Arturo Lomibao,
administrator of the National Irrigation Administration; Gen. Pedro Cabuay,
deputy for counter-insurgency of the National Security Council; Gen.
Ernesto de Leon, ambassador to Australia; Gen. Honesto Isleta,
presidential assistant on strategic information; Police Director General
Roberto Lastimoso, MRTC director; Gen. Dionisio Santiago, Dangerous Drugs
Board; Glenn Rabonza, Office of Civil Defense executive director; Angel
Atutubo, MIAA assistant general manager for security; Thelmo Cunanan, SSS
chairman; Edgardo Espinosa, MECO managing director; Florencio Fianza,
Philippine Racing Commission acting chair; Reynaldo Berroya,
transportation assistant secretary; Enrique Galang, Bureau of Immigration
executive director. Others recently appointed are: Edgardo Espinosa,
Enrique Galang, Vidal Querol, Pedro Bulaong and Thompson Lantion.
Immediate past AFP chief of staff, Gen. Genoroso Senga, has been groomed
as president of the government TV National Broadcasting Network (NBN).
Recently-retired Maj. Gen. Jovito Palparan, tagged as the "butcher" of
activists, has received three government offers. If Senga and Palparan are
on board, the total number of generals in the Arroyo cabinet and other key
agencies will be 29. ( Based on reports by Philippine Daily Inquirer,
Nov. 12, 2006; and
Bulatlat.com, "Is the Country now
Ruled by a Civilian-Military Junta?" Sept. 17-23, 2006 .)
The defense
secretaries with absolute civilian background during this period were:
Teofilo Sison (who served in 1939-1941, a teacher who became a senator);
Tomas Cabili (1945, lawyer); Alfredo Montelibano (banker/landlord,
1945-1946); Ramon Magsaysay (1950-1954, engineer); Oscar T. Castelo (1953,
judge); Sotero B. Cabahug (1954-1956, lawyer); Ferdinand Marcos
(1965-1967, 1971-1972, lawyer who became president); and Juan Ponce Enrile
(1970-1971 then 1972-1986, lawyer).
The defense
secretaries with military or constabulary experience were: Jorge B. Vargas
(1941, also a lawyer-businessman); Basilio Valdes (1941-1945, also a
physician); Ruperto K. Kangleon (1946-1950); Eulogio Balao (1956-1957);
Jesus M. Vargas (1957-1959); Alejo Santos (1959-1961); Macario Peralta
(1962-1965, also a lawyer); and Ernesto S. Mata (1967-1970).
*The Center for People Empowerment in Governance (CenPEG) is a public
policy center established shortly before the May 2004 elections to help
promote people empowerment in governance specially the democratic
representation of the marginalized poor.
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