To a class conscious worker, it is clear that the Philippine Revolution remains unfinished, and is, in fact, raging.
Ang materyalismong istoriko bilang pananaw sa kasaysayan ay binubuo ng masinsing pagsipat sa mga relasyong maka-uri na nagpapagalaw sa umiiral na moda ng produksyon sa isang tiyak na yugto o epoka sa kasaysayan.
This latest terrorist designation on the NDFP is a fascistic act of casting the net so wide in order to tag the armed revolutionary group as a growing network. That it comes with the government’s inability to contain the probable spread of the much feared COVID-19 Delta variant is no longer a shocker.
Garcellano’s “The Philippines As Yugoslavia Revisited” wields academic freedom as a tool to crystallize the best aspects of so-called competing paradigms. But this is less an affirmation of the “marketplace of ideas,” a faux heterodoxy that has no other function but to fragment and marginalize in the name of pluralism than Garcellano’s thoughtful engagement with dialectical thought and totality.
Sa pagsulpot ng mga Community Pantry sa buong kapuluan, nagkaroon ng bagong hugpungan o pagkakatagpo-tagpo. Sa hugpungang ito, matingkad ang diwa ng kolektibismo na may potensyal na makipagtalaban sa gutom, karahasan at pandemya. Litaw rin ang materyal na pag-iral ng use value (laban sa exchange value) upang makamtan ng mamamayan ang kanilang mga pangangailangan.
El Caracazo in 1989 and the current Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela show that resistance to imperialist plunder and mass immiseration and murder of the people through the IMF-WB and the whole neoliberal project is possible and the absolute right and duty of the people.
In the midst of a heightened climate of impunity, this current volume locates the place of the people’s war as a revolutionary process in which alternatives are approached in terms of tactical and strategic objectives. In doing so, resistance is foregrounded as both an actual reality and a goal of people’s war taking place in two different and parallel spheres, namely, organized and legal street protest and the underground revolutionary armed struggle.
Those activists taught us how to expand, how to imagine the world with compassion, a sense of mission and commitment, freely, creatively and scientifically. None of our goals end when our personal ambitions shatter. There is a bigger picture to this accord and even to the so-called student power that made it possible.
The immediate effect was to facilitate a conversation, if not an outright stand on imperialist wars waged by the U.S.
What do we do with this history? What must we do with our very own politicians – – Duterte and a consolidated Philippine senate and congress who have only looted us, shown us obscene disrespect, and barbarism? Their actions are akin to US-backed local operatives deployed to exact the most severe violence among the people– mass murder, corruption, hunger, and repression.
Without undergoing a revolutionary process, governments in neo-colonies like the Philippines cannot plan. This government will always have to wait for imperialist dictates through neoliberal structural adjustment of the economy and culture. This government has no sense of nation because to think of nation and national sovereignty is to be up against imperialism, which has been the source of political and economic power by rich and corrupt Filipino politicians.